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As midterms near, some Republicans are starting to question Trump
WASHINGTON — The most striking thing about the U.S. Senate leaving town early to campaign was all the grousing Republicans did about President Donald Trump before going.
A gut punch in Ohio: Nearly 1,400 laid off at truck factory just days before Trump rally
President Donald Trump is trying to rally voters in the Dayton, Ohio, area on Saturday.
A gut punch in Ohio: Nearly 1,400 laid off at truck factory just days before Trump rally
President Donald Trump is trying to rally voters in the Dayton, Ohio, area on Saturday.
Harold Branam: Talking back to money in politics (Opinion)
At the midterm Republican Convention last month, President Donald Trump promised to send every American adult a $5,000 check if the Republicans retain control of the House and Senate.
What we know about Trump’s latest taxpayer-funded ad campaign
The Trump administration has created at least 13 campaign-style ads as part of its controversial taxpayer-funded, multi-million-dollar effort to promote President Donald Trump and his policies. CNN’s Betsy Klein reports.
Justice Department asks court to let Trump reinstate White House press ban
The Justice Department argued that President Donald Trump should be allowed to reinstate his White House ban of CNN, MS NOW and Politico in a court filing late Friday ahead of a hearing next week in the lawsuit from the news companies.
Trump makes rare presidential visit to tribal land for rally
President Donald Trump's campaign rally on the Choctaw Nation puts him in rare company. He's among a handful of presidents who have visited Native American reservations while in office. Trump's
Studying Science in an Anti-Scientific Time
This Chronicle Review Deep Cut was first published in 2025. By Julianne Werlin Thanks for reading The Chronicle Review! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Subscribe The last two decades have not been kind to science studies. Already bruised and battered by the “science wars” of the 1990s, by the 2000s sociologists of science — who had long argued that science had to be understood in its human context — were encountering the funhouse-mirror version of their own views in right-wing critiques of climate scientists. It was enough to give some prominent scholars pause. “Was I wrong to participate in the invention of this field known as science studies?” asked Bruno Latour, the most famous sociologist of science in the world, in 2003. “Should we apologize for having been wrong all along? Or should we rather bring the sword of criticism to criticism itself and do a bit of soul-searching here: What were we really after when we were so intent on showing the social construction of scientific facts?” In response, Latour proposed a change of method and attitude. Science studies, now chastened and contrite, would no longer seek to strip facts of their authority, but to enrich and enhance them. What this meant in practice was never fully clear. But his diagnosis of problems resonated, even if his solutions did not. Latour’s exercise in public hand-wringing signaled a shift in mood. By 2016, with the first election of Donald Trump, the idea that skepticism of science was a right-wing position, not a left-wing one, had become a commonplace, discussed eagerly in The New York Times. For liberals, vaccine denial during the Covid era and Trump’s second-term attacks on the funding of scientific research, covered extensively in these pages, added a new urgency to the defense of science on both practical and principled grounds. There was little appetite for a sociology or philosophy of science that emphasized the messiness and missteps of the scientific process rather than its integrity and triumphs. The distinguished historian of science Peter Dear’s new book, The World as We Know It: From Natural Philosophy to Modern Science (Princeton University Press, 2025), which seeks to tell the story of 18th- and 19th-century science for a general public, may seem comfortably remote from these bitter contests. In its 16 short chapters, Dear draws swift, sure sketches of major discoveries from Newton to Einstein, ably guiding the reader through debates on stellar nebulae, animal taxonomy, atomic chemistry, evolution, and other flashpoints in the history of science. But though a work of history, Dear’s book must still negotiate our polarized present. In a blurb on its back cover, the historian of biology Lynn K. Nyhart alludes to the “present moment, when scientific knowledge is being swamped by misinformation and its institutions are under siege.” Dear himself, in his conclusion, refers to the “yard signs” and “bumper stickers” that proclaim “Science Is Real.” One antidote to both anti-science propaganda and to reductive slogans in science’s defense is a robust history and philosophy of science: exactly what Dear’s scholarship has long offered. But his new book illustrates how difficult such work has become. Dear, an emeritus professor of history at Cornell University, is best known as a creative and philosophically minded historian of the Scientific Revolution. His edited volume The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument (1991) analyzed the rhetoric of Galileo’s thought experiments to brilliant effect. Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution (1995) was a major contribution to the analysis of scientific experiments in early modern Europe and beyond, while Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge in Transition, 1500-1700 (2001), now in its third edition, remains one of the best overviews of the profound epistemological upheavals of 16th- and 17th-century science. But Dear has also ventured into later periods. Nearly two decades ago, in The Intelligibility of Nature: How Science Makes Sense of the World (2006), he turned to the 18th and 19th centuries to sketch a history and theory of scientific knowledge. Aimed at a generalist audience, Dear’s simple prose belied serious philosophical ambitions. Science, Dear argued, has two aspects: “natural philosophy,” the quest to understand the true nature of the universe, and “instrumentality,” the applied skills and technologies that allow us to manipulate the world for human advantage. Both strands are ancient, but the innovation of the phenomenon we call “science” was to yoke them together. As Francis Bacon wrote, “Human knowledge and human power meet in one; for where the cause is not known, the effect cannot be produced,” an insight typically abridged to “knowledge is power.” Or, in Bertrand Russell’s characteristically blunt phrase, science has two functions, “1. to enable us to know things, and 2., to enable us to do things.” So far, so conventional. But Dear took issue with this familiar story in one respect. Bacon’s formula implied that theory and practice could be fused in a single method. In fact, Dear argued, the quest to understand nature and the desire to manipulate it were coupled only loosely. They could come together, but they could also pull apart. Focusing on natural philosophy, the “knowing” half of the scientific circle, he used a series of case studies from cosmology, taxonomy, chemistry, electromagnetism, and quantum theory to show how theories changed over time, in dialogue with practice, but never reducible to it. Take the case of matter, the basic substrate of the physical world. In the 18th and 19th centuries, scientists not only disagreed about what it was, but also about how well it could be known. In 1789, the chemist Antoine Lavoisier dismissed speculation about the atomic composition of chemicals as “discussions entirely of a metaphysical nature,” as he sought to orient chemistry away from philosophical abstraction and toward laboratory results. But in the 19th century, atoms returned with a vengeance in the atomic chemistry of John Dalton, who wanted to explain the underlying structure of nature. It was not just that Dalton and Lavoisier had a different set of experimental results, or even a different theory, Dear showed. What counted as an explanation had changed. In arguing that scientific theories depended on their intelligibility to human beings with complex arrays of beliefs and commitments, Dear was in sympathy with science studies. Key figures such as the sociologist Steven Shapin emphasized the importance of psychological mechanisms like trust in the formation and acceptance of scientific ideas. But in focusing on the scientific pursuit of knowledge, not its politics or economics, Dear resisted the more cynical perspective of some of his colleagues. The Intelligibility of Nature strikes a very different note than Shapin’s collection of a few years later, Never Pure: Historical Studies of Science as If It Was Produced by People With Bodies, Situated in Time, Space, Culture, and Society, and Struggling for Credibility and Authority (2010), to name just one example. Walking a very fine line, Dear depicted science as driven at once by complex social dynamics and by the intellectual power of real discoveries. It was a testament not only to his own acumen but also to the vitality of the field that he was able to do so. Nearly two decades later, The World as We Know It returns to the questions broached in The Intelligibility of Nature. Like Dear’s earlier study, it begins with the Newtonian cosmos and ends with debates between Einstein and Bohr on quantum physics. Beyond its terminal figures, many of the same characters appear in both studies, including the naturalists John Ray and the Comte de Buffon; the chemists Étienne François Geoffroy, Antoine Lavoisier, and John Dalton; as well as Charles Darwin and Michael Faraday, among others. Its subject is nearly identical: As in The Intelligibility of Nature, The World as We Know It considers natural philosophy as opposed to instrumentality, here defined as the “desire to create a picture of what the world is really like — the world as God knows it — rather than simply having instrumental or operational control over it.” The two books also overlap in insights — and sometimes even in language. The reader who has learned in The Intelligibility of Nature that Buffon’s method of classifying animals “reflected his belief in the importance of the senses and empiricism in learning about nature (a doctrine associated with Newton and the philosopher John Locke)” will experience a sense of déjà vu on reading, in The World as We Know It, that the classification “reflects Buffon’s commitment to the epistemological stance of Newton and his philosophical underlaborer John Locke, who stressed the role of the senses in creating natural knowledge.” Later in the passage, we read that, “because of its stress on understanding the ways of life of animals in their environments, Buffon’s approach could almost be labeled (anachronistically) as ‘ecological.’” And again, “an anachronistic way of putting it would be to say that Buffon recommends an ecological mode of understanding.” Likewise, in The Intelligibility of Nature we read of Dalton that he was initially drawn to meteorology, and that: He did a bit of experimental work on these things, especially having to do with the water-holding capacity of gases, but his real interest lay in understanding what, at an underlying natural-philosophical level, was really going on physically.” Whereas, in The World as We Know It: He did experimental work on these things, especially concerning the water-holding capacity of gases — although not at a very refined level quantitatively — but he was continually trying to develop a theoretical conception of what was happening physically. The final full chapter of each book closes on the same resigned note. Intelligibility: These days, most serious work on the natural philosophical underpinnings and implications of quantum mechanics is performed not by physicists but by philosophers of science. Among scientific practitioners themselves, Bohr’s attempt to use instrumentality as sufficient grounds for a respectable science has met with a high degree of success. And again, in The World as We Know It: Bohr’s and Einstein’s concerns are now questions that are mostly discussed by philosophers of science rather than by physicists themselves. The marginalization of these sorts of questions amounts to the demise of natural philosophy, at least in physics, in the 20th century. Quantum mechanics “works,” and that’s good enough for most scientists who encounter it. Examples could be multiplied. When handling the same subject matter, some echoes are inevitable. Scholars should not feel that because they have written “Isaac Newton died in 1727” in one book, in the next they must describe him as perishing, expiring, or meeting his maker. But the repetitions of language and arguments (not to mention six reproduced images) threaded throughout The World as We Know It are more extensive than that. They should have been caught by Princeton University Press or its reviewers, and revised. Because the two books have so much in common, it is easy to see where they diverge. The World as We Know It is a less theoretical work than its predecessor. The sociology of knowledge that organized The Intelligibility of Nature has been reduced in scale and folded into readings and examples. The taut interplay between history and theory, which gave the earlier study so much interest, is there, but it is subtle. In the earlier book, the case studies demonstrated theoretical claims about the character and development of science. In the later work, each narrative of discovery is an end in itself. Insights emerge from the history, but they do not control the organization of the study. With the theory muted, it can be hard to understand the logic uniting Dear’s sprawling history of more than two centuries of scientific knowledge. The 16 brisk chapters cover an enormous amount of material. But the closer the volume edges to comprehensiveness, the more obvious the missing elements become. A chapter on “Institutions and Pedagogy,” describing the birth of the research university, illustrates the problem. Inserted roughly halfway through the book, the unnumbered chapter is designed as an “entr’acte,” in acknowledgement that it does not fit the study’s organization around scientific discoveries. Yet as Dear is well aware, no general history of the development of modern science can bracket its 19th-century institutionalization and professionalization. It was the 19th-century university, after all, that gave us the “scientist,” a term coined by the Cambridge philosopher William Whewell. Dear’s history of scientific discoveries implies a wider social and institutional history, but it remains largely subterranean, only occasionally extruded under the pressure of the narrative. It must be said that the balance is not all on the side of the earlier study. There are some advantages to the more historical, less theoretical organization of The World as We Know It. Dear’s accounts of paradigm shifts are remarkably lucid, no small accomplishment given that they span fields and centuries. He makes excellent use of the wealth of new scholarship on Darwin and his influences, to which he has himself contributed. It is satisfying to see puzzle pieces from Buffon’s natural history, Georges Cuvier’s animal taxonomy, Thomas Robert Malthus’s demography, and Charles Lyell’s geology recombined seamlessly in the Darwinian jigsaw. Likewise, Dear’s discussion of stellar nebulae, divided between chapters two and 15, shows vividly how Newton, Kant, Herschel, and Hubble reimagined insights and observations as they sought to discover whether the diffuse light that filtered through early telescopes was a glowing, gaseous substance or discrete but distant stars. Yet despite such pleasures, the book remains a more modest work than The Intelligibility of Nature. Dear has clearly not changed his views about the history of science. But in the two decades that have elapsed, the discipline and the world around it have changed, making it harder to write a sociologically and philosophically ambitious history of science for the general reader. That is a shame, because in the age of Silicon Valley and biotechnology, both the reciprocity and the tensions Dear identified between the epistemological and instrumental ambitions of science are more evident than ever. In recent years, some of the most exciting new books on the history of science in early modernity have focused precisely on this pressure point. Important studies such as Pamela H. Smith’s From Lived Experience to the Written Word (2022), James Poskett’s Horizons: The Global Origins of Modern Science (2022), and Vera Keller’s The Interlopers: Early Stuart Projects and the Undisciplining of Knowledge (2023) all shed new light on how early modern science negotiated the relationship between its instrumental and epistemological ambitions, or in Russell’s phrase, knowing and doing. There is every opportunity for a philosophically informed approach to draw new insights from this wealth of material. Dear, unfortunately, has not done so in The World as We Know It. But for future scholars of the history of science, his body of work over nearly four decades may provide just the model. Julianne Werlin is an associate professor of English at Duke University. 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Trump bets big on ‘transactional politics’ in midterm sprint
President Donald Trump is leaning into transactional politics in the final month of the 2026 midterm campaign, tying his administration directly to economic benefits in states that could determine control of Congress. This week alone, Trump has promoted billions of dollars in proposed investments in Alaska and Iowa, redirected $20 million in Department of Homeland […]
Vance embodies Nixon’s populist, outsider qualities
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Europe agrees to release stocked diesel oil, Trump says
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Political strategist breaks down Trump's midterm campaign blitz in deep red states
A strategist and communications consultant told Fox News Digital that President Donald Trump's midterm campaign stops in deep red states are being misconstrued by much of the media.
Voter guide: Prop 134 asks Colorado voters to bar transgender student athletes from certain school sports
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Rural MAHA followers say Trump health policies haven't reached their communities
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Trump is expected to name Jay Clayton as AI czar
President Donald Trump is expected to pick Jay Clayton to be the White House’s new czar of artificial intelligence, two sources familiar with the discussion told CNN.
With a steel mill and campaign cash, Trump and GOP leaders launch an Iowa rescue mission
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WATCH: President Trump in Durant for political rally
KTEN News offers live coverage of the Republican rally at Durant’s Choctaw Event Center featuring President Donald Trump, with updates starting at 4 p.m. CT, including news segments and live broadcasts through the evening.
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Trump jokingly calls Paxton a ‘pain in the ass’ at Texas event
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'I'll stand in front of the bulldozers': Veterans protest Trump's arch
Since President Donald Trump first began talking about building a Triumphal Arch in Memorial Circle, it’s been met with criticism from the public, lawmakers and even veterans
'I'll stand in front of the bulldozers': Veterans protest Trump's arch
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EXCLUSIVE: Embrace Trump or not?; Amendment 3's carrots and sticks
Republicans damned if they embrace President Donald Trump, and damned if they don't. Amendment 3 offers tax cuts — but at what cost?
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Trump says planning midterm convention during NFL opener was ‘stupid’
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Judge blocks Trump from firing Seattle US attorney who had job for an hour
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Trump sends out $500 ACA refunds and a letter promoting his record
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GOP hold on Florida and Texas governors’ races weakens, nonpartisan analyst says
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Judge permanently dismisses Trump administration's case charging ex-Olympian with Reflecting Pool vandalism
A judge in the nation’s capital agreed on Thursday to permanently dismiss a criminal case charging a former Olympian with vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, a move that could prevent federal prosecutors from reviving the case under political pressure from President Donald Trump.
10 Democrat-held House seats Republicans could flip to save their majority
President Donald Trump's margins in redrawn districts fuel Republican hopes of flipping 10 Democratic House seats in the battle for Congress.
4 takeaways from Trump’s Time magazine interview
Just over a month before the midterm elections, President Donald Trump addressed the top issues confronting his administration in a wide-ranging interview with Time magazine.
Trump's $500 Obamacare 'rebate' checks land in prime political battlegrounds
President Donald Trump's administration is sending $500 payments to nearly 1 million Americans this week, in a move that strategists say could potentially influence races that may determine whether his Republicans maintain control of Congress in the November midterm elections.
Trump's $500 Obamacare 'rebate' checks land in prime political battlegrounds
President Donald Trump's administration is sending $500 payments to nearly 1 million Americans this week, in a move that strategists say could potentially influence races that may determine whether his Republicans maintain control of Congress in the November midterm elections.
Trump's $500 Obamacare 'rebate' checks land in prime political battlegrounds
By Andy Sullivan, Helen Coster, Ahmed Aboulenein and Tim McLaughlin WASHINGTON, Oct 1 (Reuters) - President Donald Trump's administration is sending $500 payments to nearly 1 million Americans this
Judge cites Trump’s threats in permanent dismissal of Reflecting Pool damage charges against Olympian
A federal judge on Thursday dismissed charges against David Hearn, the former US Olympian initially accused of damaging the Reflecting Pool at the Lincoln Memorial with prejudice, citing President Donald Trump’s comments to ensure charges cannot be brought in the future.
Judge permanently drops case against ex-Olympian over Reflecting Pool vandalism
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Trump does not rule out demolishing the Kennedy Center
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Trump will hold a rally in Choctaw Nation, a rare presidential visit to Indian Country
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Supreme Court to review key part of Trump’s immigration policy
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Brown: Trump’s $15 billion Iowa surprise roils Minnesota politics, but merits skepticism
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'Very friendly territory': The politics behind President Trump’s Oklahoma rally
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More than one thousand Maine immigrants to lose Medicaid on Oct. 1
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Presidents rarely visit Indian Country. Trump’s planned Choctaw Nation rally will be the latest
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Senate confirms Keith Sonderling as Labor Secretary
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A new article by sociologists Tristan Bridges (University of California-Santa Barbara) and James W. Messerschmidt (University of Southern Maine) examines how AI–generated memes circulated on social media by President Donald Trump represent a significant transformation in the visual politics of masculinity
Trump’s Mobile rally could be about more than Alabama politics, political columnist says
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US government's new AI chatbot pulls back from debunking Trump
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Trump says he discussed release of political prisoners with Xi
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Senate GOP campaign chief says ‘cash is king’ as Trump team promises millions to keep majority
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GOP senator blocks resolution that criticized Trump’s taxpayer-funded ads
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Trump administration misspells United States twice while promoting AI
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Trump administration misspells United States twice while promoting AI
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Las Vegas resort bosses dodge presidential politics when asked about falling visitor numbers
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Rural MAHA followers say Trump hasn’t improved health of their communities, an AP-KFF poll finds
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Rural MAHA followers say Trump hasn't improved health of their communities, an AP-KFF poll finds
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Homeland Security taps $20M in taxpayer funds for pro-Trump ads
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Homeland Security taps $20M in taxpayer funds for pro-Trump ads
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Homeland Security taps $20M in taxpayer funds for pro-Trump ads
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An embarrassing moment for the GOP, a defensive witness and other takeaways from Jack Smith’s hearing
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White House urges EU to draw down diesel inventories, sources say
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Vance takes battleground role as Trump opens midterm push
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Jack Smith returned to Capitol Hill on Tuesday to defend his derailed efforts to prosecute President Donald Trump, telling lawmakers he would not “be silenced by continued threats of prosecution” from the president.
Trump used foreign labor standards as tariff workaround, small businesses say
Small businesses will once again challenge President Donald Trump’s tariffs in the Court of International Trade in New York City this week.
The Latest: Trump’s new AI-powered ‘America.gov’ pivots political answers moments after launch
President Donald Trump has unveiled the AI-powered America.
The Beclowning of Scott Bessent
One iron law of current politics is that nobody who associates themselves with Donald Trump emerges with a shred of credibility. For some, that’s not a big loss — it’s not as if anyone respected Pete Hegseth even before he decided that the key to military success in an age of drones and AI was more testosterone. For others, however, the costs are real. I’m old enough to remember when Marco Rubio was widely considered a reasonable, thoughtful politician. Right now, however, my candidate for the biggest loser is Scott Bessent, the Secretary of the Treasury. Bessent started out with significant reputation to lose: When Trump selected him, this was the headline in the Financial Times: Jason Furman, Barack Obama’s chief economist, described him as a “credible Treasury secretary who has a real understanding of the global economy”. But Bessent has now transformed himself into the Baghdad Bob of bonds. Three weeks ago, after intervening (for reasons that remain somewhat unclear) to support the Japanese yen, Bessent boasted about his ability to move markets and dared investors to bet against his, declaring “I am the house now.” He then tried to push long-term interest rates down, buying 30-year U.S. Treasuries in a move some have compared to paying down part of your mortgage by running up your credit card balance. Here’s how that’s going so far: To get some perspective on how high interest rates have gone, here’s a longer-term perspective: We haven’t seen interest rates this high since the fading days of the dotcom bubble. Why are interest rates hitting new records? The backdrop, as I argued in last Sunday’s primer, is the huge AI-driven investment boom; more on that next week. But the immediate cause of the latest interest rate spike was Trump’s rejection of an Iranian proposal to end the war. This rejection sent crude oil prices, which for a while had fallen considerably, shooting back up: It’s notable, by the way, that oil prices remain high even though a significant amount of oil is now being shuttled through the Strait of Hormuz by night, on smaller vessels. That’s an interesting story, which has a lot to do with the fact that oil from the Hormuz shuttle runs must be transferred to larger vessels before being shipped to markets in Europe and Asia; around 15 percent of the world’s large crude carriers are now parked off the coast of Oman, waiting to be tanked up. This is creating a shipping crunch: But that’s a topic for another day. For now, the point is that with oil still high and refined products, especially diesel, still close to record levels, inflation will remain elevated. And this in turn means that the Federal Reserve will keep short-term interest rates high, an expectation that is feeding into longer-term rates. Hence Bessent’s bond-market humiliation. The truth is that Bessent might not have been able to get interest rates down even in the best of circumstances. But he certainly won’t get anywhere as long as Trump keeps believing that he can somehow convert his Iran debacle into a triumphant victory. And Trump will keep believing that as long as he is surrounded by sycophants who tell him what he wants to hear. Sycophants like, for example, Scott Bessent, who is predicting the imminent collapse of the Iranian economy, possibly within two weeks. Bessent is right to say that the embargo on Iranian oil exports is placing the country under great economic strain. But his implicit prediction that this will quickly produce a deal that Trump can call victory looks no more plausible than his boasts about the bond market. The big question now is, why would anyone with a reputation to lose work for Donald Trump? As the beclowning of Bessent shows, joining the Trump team won’t just damage your reputation; it will utterly destroy it.
Ex-Trump prosecutor Smith will tell senators he won't 'be silenced' by threats of prosecution
The former Justice Department special counsel who brought two federal indictments against President Donald Trump will tell lawmakers he “will not be silenced by continued threats of prosecution” from the Trump administration and believes the rule of law is being threatened like never before
Ex-Trump prosecutor Smith will tell senators he won't 'be silenced' by threats of prosecution
The former Justice Department special counsel who brought two federal indictments against President Donald Trump will tell lawmakers he “will not be silenced by continued threats of prosecution” from the Trump administration and believes the rule of law is being threatened like never before.
Analysis | Democrats coalesce around a message about the cost of corruption
Their message accuses Republicans of flagrant corruption, tying the attack to the billions President Donald Trump has made during his second term.
$10 for a gallon of gas has red Alaska thinking about a Democratic senator
Mary Peltola hopes to unseat Republican Sen. Dan Sullivan in a race all about prices, federal aid and Donald Trump.
Kurt Olsen, key Trump 2020 election denier, departs Justice Department
Kurt Olsen, a lawyer who aided President Donald Trump’s 2020 election reversal schemes before joining his second administration, left the Justice Department Monday, a person familiar with the departure told CNN.
Senate passes bipartisan bill to overhaul college sports
President Donald Trump wants the House to clear the measure quickly.
Trump’s mail voting crackdown tests Postal Service leader who says he’s ‘not political’
David Steiner once criticized Donald Trump’s leadership style after seeing him on “The Apprentice.” Nearly two decades later, he finds himself navigating Trump’s influence on the Postal Service.
Trump personally helped orchestrate taxpayer-funded ads promoting himself and his policies, source says
President Donald Trump has personally driven the controversial, tax-payer funded video ads promoting himself and his administration’s policies, including helping select the imagery and videos used, a source familiar with the matter told CNN.
ODU political experts analyze new Trump messages
NORFOLK, Va. (WAVY) — President Donald Trump told voters several weeks ago in the face of discouraging GOP polling numbers to “pretend I’m on the ballot.” That should be especially easy now that a series of new messages from the White House have begun running, though the administration emphatically denies that they are propaganda. The […]
Trump says he did not discuss the possibility of the US selling weapons to China, contradicting his ambassador
(CNN) — President Donald Trump said Monday that he did not discuss the US selling weapons to China during his recent meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping, contradicting an assertion
Fact check: Trump lies again that grocery prices ‘have come way down’ this term
Facing abysmal poll numbers on inflation as the midterm elections approach, President Donald Trump is sticking to the communications strategy he tried in the summer: lie.
In Mike Johnson's district, the political mood is mixed for the GOP
Johnson is an ally of President Donald Trump and is in no apparent danger of securing a sixth term in Congress. But high prices, the war in Iran and the dim economic mood provide a snapshot of the grim outlook for the party in power.
12 moves that illustrate the brazenness of Trump’s second term
When the Trump administration began running taxpayer-funded “public service announcements” that looked suspiciously like campaign ads for President Donald Trump last week, the White House gamely maintained they were “very clearly not campaign ads.”
Trump Sends Political Messages With Taxpayer Cash
In American politics, presidential public service announcements have encouraged Americans to get their COVID-19 vaccines, raised awareness of sexual assault or promoted volunteerism in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. With less than 40 days before the midterm elections, President Donald Trump has ...