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Health Brief: Exclusive | Inside the new health price transparency rules
Plus: Trump’s checks to Medicare enrollees could complicate year-end health care negotiations,
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Scientists uncover a clue that could hint at why we regain weight after diets
A chemical mechanism may cause weight regain by creating a “memory” of obesity in fat cells, a study suggests.
Four ways the midterm elections could go, one month away
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How Democrats hope to reverse Trump’s changes to the presidency
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A record number of Native Americans are running in the 2026 midterms
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Studying Science in an Anti-Scientific Time
This Chronicle Review Deep Cut was first published in 2025. By Julianne Werlin Thanks for reading The Chronicle Review! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Subscribe The last two decades have not been kind to science studies. Already bruised and battered by the “science wars” of the 1990s, by the 2000s sociologists of science — who had long argued that science had to be understood in its human context — were encountering the funhouse-mirror version of their own views in right-wing critiques of climate scientists. It was enough to give some prominent scholars pause. “Was I wrong to participate in the invention of this field known as science studies?” asked Bruno Latour, the most famous sociologist of science in the world, in 2003. “Should we apologize for having been wrong all along? Or should we rather bring the sword of criticism to criticism itself and do a bit of soul-searching here: What were we really after when we were so intent on showing the social construction of scientific facts?” In response, Latour proposed a change of method and attitude. Science studies, now chastened and contrite, would no longer seek to strip facts of their authority, but to enrich and enhance them. What this meant in practice was never fully clear. But his diagnosis of problems resonated, even if his solutions did not. Latour’s exercise in public hand-wringing signaled a shift in mood. By 2016, with the first election of Donald Trump, the idea that skepticism of science was a right-wing position, not a left-wing one, had become a commonplace, discussed eagerly in The New York Times. For liberals, vaccine denial during the Covid era and Trump’s second-term attacks on the funding of scientific research, covered extensively in these pages, added a new urgency to the defense of science on both practical and principled grounds. There was little appetite for a sociology or philosophy of science that emphasized the messiness and missteps of the scientific process rather than its integrity and triumphs. The distinguished historian of science Peter Dear’s new book, The World as We Know It: From Natural Philosophy to Modern Science (Princeton University Press, 2025), which seeks to tell the story of 18th- and 19th-century science for a general public, may seem comfortably remote from these bitter contests. In its 16 short chapters, Dear draws swift, sure sketches of major discoveries from Newton to Einstein, ably guiding the reader through debates on stellar nebulae, animal taxonomy, atomic chemistry, evolution, and other flashpoints in the history of science. But though a work of history, Dear’s book must still negotiate our polarized present. In a blurb on its back cover, the historian of biology Lynn K. Nyhart alludes to the “present moment, when scientific knowledge is being swamped by misinformation and its institutions are under siege.” Dear himself, in his conclusion, refers to the “yard signs” and “bumper stickers” that proclaim “Science Is Real.” One antidote to both anti-science propaganda and to reductive slogans in science’s defense is a robust history and philosophy of science: exactly what Dear’s scholarship has long offered. But his new book illustrates how difficult such work has become. Dear, an emeritus professor of history at Cornell University, is best known as a creative and philosophically minded historian of the Scientific Revolution. His edited volume The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument (1991) analyzed the rhetoric of Galileo’s thought experiments to brilliant effect. Discipline and Experience: The Mathematical Way in the Scientific Revolution (1995) was a major contribution to the analysis of scientific experiments in early modern Europe and beyond, while Revolutionizing the Sciences: European Knowledge in Transition, 1500-1700 (2001), now in its third edition, remains one of the best overviews of the profound epistemological upheavals of 16th- and 17th-century science. But Dear has also ventured into later periods. Nearly two decades ago, in The Intelligibility of Nature: How Science Makes Sense of the World (2006), he turned to the 18th and 19th centuries to sketch a history and theory of scientific knowledge. Aimed at a generalist audience, Dear’s simple prose belied serious philosophical ambitions. Science, Dear argued, has two aspects: “natural philosophy,” the quest to understand the true nature of the universe, and “instrumentality,” the applied skills and technologies that allow us to manipulate the world for human advantage. Both strands are ancient, but the innovation of the phenomenon we call “science” was to yoke them together. As Francis Bacon wrote, “Human knowledge and human power meet in one; for where the cause is not known, the effect cannot be produced,” an insight typically abridged to “knowledge is power.” Or, in Bertrand Russell’s characteristically blunt phrase, science has two functions, “1. to enable us to know things, and 2., to enable us to do things.” So far, so conventional. But Dear took issue with this familiar story in one respect. Bacon’s formula implied that theory and practice could be fused in a single method. In fact, Dear argued, the quest to understand nature and the desire to manipulate it were coupled only loosely. They could come together, but they could also pull apart. Focusing on natural philosophy, the “knowing” half of the scientific circle, he used a series of case studies from cosmology, taxonomy, chemistry, electromagnetism, and quantum theory to show how theories changed over time, in dialogue with practice, but never reducible to it. Take the case of matter, the basic substrate of the physical world. In the 18th and 19th centuries, scientists not only disagreed about what it was, but also about how well it could be known. In 1789, the chemist Antoine Lavoisier dismissed speculation about the atomic composition of chemicals as “discussions entirely of a metaphysical nature,” as he sought to orient chemistry away from philosophical abstraction and toward laboratory results. But in the 19th century, atoms returned with a vengeance in the atomic chemistry of John Dalton, who wanted to explain the underlying structure of nature. It was not just that Dalton and Lavoisier had a different set of experimental results, or even a different theory, Dear showed. What counted as an explanation had changed. In arguing that scientific theories depended on their intelligibility to human beings with complex arrays of beliefs and commitments, Dear was in sympathy with science studies. Key figures such as the sociologist Steven Shapin emphasized the importance of psychological mechanisms like trust in the formation and acceptance of scientific ideas. But in focusing on the scientific pursuit of knowledge, not its politics or economics, Dear resisted the more cynical perspective of some of his colleagues. The Intelligibility of Nature strikes a very different note than Shapin’s collection of a few years later, Never Pure: Historical Studies of Science as If It Was Produced by People With Bodies, Situated in Time, Space, Culture, and Society, and Struggling for Credibility and Authority (2010), to name just one example. Walking a very fine line, Dear depicted science as driven at once by complex social dynamics and by the intellectual power of real discoveries. It was a testament not only to his own acumen but also to the vitality of the field that he was able to do so. Nearly two decades later, The World as We Know It returns to the questions broached in The Intelligibility of Nature. Like Dear’s earlier study, it begins with the Newtonian cosmos and ends with debates between Einstein and Bohr on quantum physics. Beyond its terminal figures, many of the same characters appear in both studies, including the naturalists John Ray and the Comte de Buffon; the chemists Étienne François Geoffroy, Antoine Lavoisier, and John Dalton; as well as Charles Darwin and Michael Faraday, among others. Its subject is nearly identical: As in The Intelligibility of Nature, The World as We Know It considers natural philosophy as opposed to instrumentality, here defined as the “desire to create a picture of what the world is really like — the world as God knows it — rather than simply having instrumental or operational control over it.” The two books also overlap in insights — and sometimes even in language. The reader who has learned in The Intelligibility of Nature that Buffon’s method of classifying animals “reflected his belief in the importance of the senses and empiricism in learning about nature (a doctrine associated with Newton and the philosopher John Locke)” will experience a sense of déjà vu on reading, in The World as We Know It, that the classification “reflects Buffon’s commitment to the epistemological stance of Newton and his philosophical underlaborer John Locke, who stressed the role of the senses in creating natural knowledge.” Later in the passage, we read that, “because of its stress on understanding the ways of life of animals in their environments, Buffon’s approach could almost be labeled (anachronistically) as ‘ecological.’” And again, “an anachronistic way of putting it would be to say that Buffon recommends an ecological mode of understanding.” Likewise, in The Intelligibility of Nature we read of Dalton that he was initially drawn to meteorology, and that: He did a bit of experimental work on these things, especially having to do with the water-holding capacity of gases, but his real interest lay in understanding what, at an underlying natural-philosophical level, was really going on physically.” Whereas, in The World as We Know It: He did experimental work on these things, especially concerning the water-holding capacity of gases — although not at a very refined level quantitatively — but he was continually trying to develop a theoretical conception of what was happening physically. The final full chapter of each book closes on the same resigned note. Intelligibility: These days, most serious work on the natural philosophical underpinnings and implications of quantum mechanics is performed not by physicists but by philosophers of science. Among scientific practitioners themselves, Bohr’s attempt to use instrumentality as sufficient grounds for a respectable science has met with a high degree of success. And again, in The World as We Know It: Bohr’s and Einstein’s concerns are now questions that are mostly discussed by philosophers of science rather than by physicists themselves. The marginalization of these sorts of questions amounts to the demise of natural philosophy, at least in physics, in the 20th century. Quantum mechanics “works,” and that’s good enough for most scientists who encounter it. Examples could be multiplied. When handling the same subject matter, some echoes are inevitable. Scholars should not feel that because they have written “Isaac Newton died in 1727” in one book, in the next they must describe him as perishing, expiring, or meeting his maker. But the repetitions of language and arguments (not to mention six reproduced images) threaded throughout The World as We Know It are more extensive than that. They should have been caught by Princeton University Press or its reviewers, and revised. Because the two books have so much in common, it is easy to see where they diverge. The World as We Know It is a less theoretical work than its predecessor. The sociology of knowledge that organized The Intelligibility of Nature has been reduced in scale and folded into readings and examples. The taut interplay between history and theory, which gave the earlier study so much interest, is there, but it is subtle. In the earlier book, the case studies demonstrated theoretical claims about the character and development of science. In the later work, each narrative of discovery is an end in itself. Insights emerge from the history, but they do not control the organization of the study. With the theory muted, it can be hard to understand the logic uniting Dear’s sprawling history of more than two centuries of scientific knowledge. The 16 brisk chapters cover an enormous amount of material. But the closer the volume edges to comprehensiveness, the more obvious the missing elements become. A chapter on “Institutions and Pedagogy,” describing the birth of the research university, illustrates the problem. Inserted roughly halfway through the book, the unnumbered chapter is designed as an “entr’acte,” in acknowledgement that it does not fit the study’s organization around scientific discoveries. Yet as Dear is well aware, no general history of the development of modern science can bracket its 19th-century institutionalization and professionalization. It was the 19th-century university, after all, that gave us the “scientist,” a term coined by the Cambridge philosopher William Whewell. Dear’s history of scientific discoveries implies a wider social and institutional history, but it remains largely subterranean, only occasionally extruded under the pressure of the narrative. It must be said that the balance is not all on the side of the earlier study. There are some advantages to the more historical, less theoretical organization of The World as We Know It. Dear’s accounts of paradigm shifts are remarkably lucid, no small accomplishment given that they span fields and centuries. He makes excellent use of the wealth of new scholarship on Darwin and his influences, to which he has himself contributed. It is satisfying to see puzzle pieces from Buffon’s natural history, Georges Cuvier’s animal taxonomy, Thomas Robert Malthus’s demography, and Charles Lyell’s geology recombined seamlessly in the Darwinian jigsaw. Likewise, Dear’s discussion of stellar nebulae, divided between chapters two and 15, shows vividly how Newton, Kant, Herschel, and Hubble reimagined insights and observations as they sought to discover whether the diffuse light that filtered through early telescopes was a glowing, gaseous substance or discrete but distant stars. Yet despite such pleasures, the book remains a more modest work than The Intelligibility of Nature. Dear has clearly not changed his views about the history of science. But in the two decades that have elapsed, the discipline and the world around it have changed, making it harder to write a sociologically and philosophically ambitious history of science for the general reader. That is a shame, because in the age of Silicon Valley and biotechnology, both the reciprocity and the tensions Dear identified between the epistemological and instrumental ambitions of science are more evident than ever. In recent years, some of the most exciting new books on the history of science in early modernity have focused precisely on this pressure point. Important studies such as Pamela H. Smith’s From Lived Experience to the Written Word (2022), James Poskett’s Horizons: The Global Origins of Modern Science (2022), and Vera Keller’s The Interlopers: Early Stuart Projects and the Undisciplining of Knowledge (2023) all shed new light on how early modern science negotiated the relationship between its instrumental and epistemological ambitions, or in Russell’s phrase, knowing and doing. There is every opportunity for a philosophically informed approach to draw new insights from this wealth of material. Dear, unfortunately, has not done so in The World as We Know It. But for future scholars of the history of science, his body of work over nearly four decades may provide just the model. Julianne Werlin is an associate professor of English at Duke University. Thanks for reading The Chronicle Review! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work. Subscribe
Top Senate GOP-aligned super PAC pauses N.C. spending, in sign of deepening woes
The Senate Leadership Fund’s pulling money from North Carolina is the latest signal the Republican Party is giving up hope of holding that Senate seat.
Analysis | How Trump keeps embracing AI
And what else happened this week under his administration.
Only one browser has this really helpful search tool
This is great for experimentation with a different search site, keeping a particular search out of your history at your usual site, or giving yourself a break from AI-first answers.
Democrats expand battleground for House, reaching into bloodred districts
The additions include Kansas’s 2nd, Michigan’s 1st, North Carolina’s 13th, New Jersey’s 2nd, Oklahoma’s 5th, Texas’s 9th, Virginia’s 6th and Washington’s 5th.
Trump memecoin plans another gala amid backlash to self-enrichment
The latest event will take place next month at the president’s golf club in Northern Virginia.
Campaign-style Trump ads use money meant for border security, memorials
The White House Office of Management and Budget added $20 million to the pot for commemorative events a day before DHS awarded an advertising contract of the same amount.
Wes Moore forms bipartisan governors group on AI, citing federal inaction
Gov. Wes Moore of Maryland is forming a bipartisan group of governors to address concerns about artificial intelligence
Trump sends out $500 ACA refunds and a letter promoting his record
The rebate checks are headed to nearly 1 million people President Donald Trump says were overcharged under the Affordable Care Act.
GOP hold on Florida and Texas governors’ races weakens, nonpartisan analyst says
President Donald Trump’s poor ratings contributed to the Cook Political Report shifting both races from “Likely Republican” to “Lean Republican.”
Trump says Secret Service wants him to ‘take down’ Oval Office
The president also said he is looking into designating the White House room as a “federal landmark,” potentially preserving his changes.
How Washington Funded the Politicization of Science
Over the last half-decade, the National Science Foundation (NSF) has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on projects designed to influence academic policies, both in the sciences and other disciplines. The aim was to foster a progressive conception of social justice in these fields. In pursuit of this end, the foundation earmarked nearly a million dollars for a project titled “Creating Inclusive Scientific Societies through Policies and Practices,” over a million for a project on “Faculty Online Learning Communities for Gender Equity,” and over $2 million to foster “racial equity focused departmental change.” Through a public records request, I’ve obtained the proposals and progress reports for dozens of NSF grants designed to promote social justice. Although funding for these grants was eventually halted by the Trump administration, the projects illustrate an important facet of recent higher-education policy. Many of the university policies that promised “social transformation” didn’t arise in a vacuum. They were actively encouraged by outside funders—often by the federal government itself. Subscribe Accreditation—the peer-review process which enables universities to receive federal grants and student loans—has recently become a policy battleground, with accreditors wielding significant power over both universities and academic disciplines. In 2020, when Oregon Health and Science University’s medical school issued an extensive diversity action plan—which promised “consequences” for employees who failed to support “DEI, anti-racism and social justice”—it specifically pointed to the Liaison Committee on Medical Education (LCME), the medical-school accrediting body, to justify the overhaul. The NSF actively promoted DEI-focused accreditation policies. The proposal for a $1.2 million program on promoting “community engagement” in STEM, which I obtained through a records request, notes that the Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology was exploring changes to its criteria “that would incorporate JEDI [justice, equity, diversity, and inclusion].” The proposal promised to “support broader JEDI efforts in the general criteria for engineering.” Another grant funded a conference designed to “identify and share best practices and strategies to integrate IDEA principles in accreditation criteria”—referring to an acronym that stands for “inclusion, diversity, equity, and accessibility.” Scholarly societies have become another flashpoint in debates over higher education. Critics argue that many of these societies, which have the power to shape entire disciplines, have become increasingly politicized. Again, through its giving, the NSF played a role in promoting this politicization. In one million-dollar grant that received funding in 2024, a group of psychologists proposed a series of social-justice reforms to the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. The proposal, which I obtained via a records request, asserts that “[r]edistributing resources (such as moving different people into leadership roles) is not enough” and that the society’s “governance structures do not yet reflect its stated values of diversity, equity, and inclusion.” Its solution: review and rework the society’s criteria for leadership development, academic awards, conferences, and publications. Adjusting review criteria informed by “intersectionality” designed to fight “epistemic exclusion” is an easy way to introduce de facto ideological litmus tests into the peer-review process. For many of the grants I obtained, such litmus tests seem to be the point. “Academic departments are racialized social systems that produce and sustain the byproducts of systemic racism,” a proposal for a $2.7 million project funded in 2024 asserts, promising to develop “departmentally-focused change efforts that cultivate values, assumptions, and behaviors that advance racial equity.” The University of Illinois Urbana Champaign’s million-dollar “I-ADVANCE” project, which effectively created a small DEI bureaucracy on campus, promised to Embed 28 ADVANCE faculty fellows in STEM departments” to amplify its equity goals. Another $1.2 million project promised to create “faculty online learning communities,” made up of scientists at universities around the country, that would eventually build department-level diversity action plans. “Ultimately,” the proposal asserts, perhaps more perceptively than its authors realized, “both organizational change and intersectionality frameworks deal with power.” Indeed, such grants confer a great deal of power to administrators and scholar-activists, who can even use the mere availability of funding as a tool to advance their causes. That history is worth remembering amid today’s debate over federal involvement in higher education: Washington has been shaping university priorities for years, including by financing efforts to instill progressive ideas about race, gender, and equity into academic institutions—and many of the policies those grants encouraged remain embedded within universities long after the federal money has stopped flowing. John D. Sailer is the director of higher education policy and a senior fellow at Manhattan Institute. Share
Elon Musk to return his attention to government, advise Pentagon on future of war
Musk will join Anduril founder Palmer Luckey and former House Speaker Newt Gingrich on a panel for what the Defense Department is calling Project Meridian.
Analysis | Trump’s playing his greatest hits. They don’t work as well as they used to.
With midterm elections a month away, the president is turning the audacity up to 11 as he labors to reverse his party’s decline in the polls.
Political climate has so soured for GOP, even Mississippi Democrats are hopeful
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Gas service could be cut off, switched to electric under Mass. bill
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Trump loses favor with crypto fans who call him out for cashing in
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No longer a secret, Nathan Fielder's Elizabeth Holmes doc 'You Can See Everything' lands in New York
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Presidents rarely visit Indian Country. Trump’s planned Choctaw Nation rally will be the latest
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White House touts big-ticket projects in hope of swaying key races
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Trump says ‘only Hispanic’ could survive fall at ballroom site
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Fed watchdog finds no crimes in $2.4B building renovation, only mismanagement
The renovation became a high-profile flashpoint in the Trump administration's efforts to pressure the Fed into cutting its key interest rate
Fed watchdog finds no crimes in $2.4B building renovation, only mismanagement
The renovation became a high-profile flashpoint in the Trump administration's efforts to pressure the Fed into cutting its key interest rate
Dems kill Republican's chances of lowering Americans' electricity bills in key election flashpoint
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Immigrants with legal status at risk of being dropped from Medicaid
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Romanian lawmakers set to vote on new center-right Cabinet as political crisis drags on
Romanian lawmakers are set to vote on a new center-right Cabinet proposed by Prime Minister-designate Siegfried Muresan
Republican blocks Senate resolution criticizing Trump’s taxpayer-funded ads
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Jasmine Crockett’s PAC released new endorsements. Talarico is still not on the list.
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Andy Burnham pledges a big shakeup for Britain in a high-risk political speech
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Brisket is missing from Texas menus. A Democrat blames Republicans.
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GOP senator blocks bill to stop Trump from demolishing Kennedy Center
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Ex-Trump prosecutor Smith will tell senators he won't 'be silenced' by threats of prosecution
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$10 for a gallon of gas has red Alaska thinking about a Democratic senator
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FEMA can’t condition security grants on election changes, judge says
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Trump dined with the Anthropic CEO who called for AI slowdown
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In Iowa, Republicans feel the heat and try to motivate ‘frustrated’ base
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Analysis | Trump says he has an off-ramp to his biggest political problem. He refuses to take it.
There is nothing holding back Republican political fortunes this year more than the war that President Donald Trump started with Iran.
Bipartisan group of senators urge Trump to disinvite Putin from G-20
Top senators on the Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees argue the invitation legitimizes the Russian assault on Ukraine.
Trump to campaign in deep-red states as GOP plays defense
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New Jersey Gov. Sherrill calls on her lieutenant governor to resign
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Who is attending the White House dinner for Chinese leader Xi Jinping?
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In Texas, Talarico pitches a Fox News debate as Paxton stays silent
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JD Vance is not ripping away anyone’s health insurance coverage
All 760,000 of the ACA plans that were canceled this week met five criteria.
Analysis | Republicans are breaking from Trump on Iran. So what will they do about it?
Congress has rendered itself powerless to start and stop wars, despite the Constitution.
Analysis | One Republican could hold back the party’s candidates in Pennsylvania. And it’s not Trump.
Pennsylvania Republicans are starting to worry that the state’s lopsided race for governor is directly affecting four of the nation’s most competitive House races.
Chatbots are still falling short in mental health conversations with kids
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National Trust, after battling with Trump, to announce legal defense fund
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Talarico works to reach Black voters in his bid to win a US Senate seat as a Democrat in Texas
Democratic Texas U.S. Senate nominee James Talarico is working to reach Black voters, a key demographic in his race against Republican state Attorney General Ken Paxton
I’m a Republican senator. The U.S. needs a stronger NIH.
America should invest in medical research, not retreat from it.
GOP appears deeply worried about Senate race in N.C., a once reliable state
Republicans privately say the key battleground for Senate control may be out of reach as nominee Michael Whatley’s ties to the president bog him down.
What does Burnham want from Trump – and will he get it?
PM will press for US support for Ukraine in first meeting, but defence spending, Middle East and North Sea oil remain potential flashpoints
Why Melinda French Gates is shifting her philanthropy on women’s health
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Mamdani hosts Trump at Gracie Mansion as unlikely rapport continues
The two leaders have traded insults but forged an unusually cordial personal relationship, with regular calls and texts.
Record share of voters motivated to oppose Trump in midterms, poll finds
In a new NBC News survey, 43 percent of registered voters said they want their vote for Congress this fall to send “a signal of opposition” to the president.
GOP lawmakers sound alarm on diesel fuel costs
Iowa Sen. Chuck Grassley joined the chorus of concerns over the weekend.
Trump and Mamdani to meet in New York
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A true independent could shake Congress from its slumber
Americans should consider voting independent in November. Here’s why.
Trump heads into a week of diplomacy, hampered by a lack of allies
At the United Nations on Tuesday and in meetings with China's Xi Jinping on Thursday, the president will largely stand alone.
Young people in Morocco split over whether politics can deliver change as election draws near
In Morocco’s election race, a rural funeral has become an unexpected campaign stop for candidates aiming to engage disenchanted young voters
Even medical professionals are skipping health insurance because of high prices
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Hideo Kojima explains the surprise split with Sony
Celebrated game director Hideo Kojima wrestled with Sony’s surprise cancellation months before it went public, he said in an interview, fearing “our studio could collapse.”
I’m a pulmonologist. Here’s why new wellness claims about nicotine worry me.
Some wellness influencers are saying nicotine promotes cognition and longevity. Scientific studies, however, paint a more complicated picture.
Trump used to slam China. Here's why he's now rolling out the red carpet for Xi
When Donald Trump ran for office a decade ago, he called China a menace to the U.S. economy
MS NOW says journalists blocked from White House after Trump announces ban
The network said it “intends to take any and all steps necessary to defend our First Amendment rights” after Trump said he would block MS NOW, CNN and Politico.
The nation’s premier business group is hitting the road to stamp out socialism
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How a fun night out got to be so expensive
With the cost of concerts, sports games and restaurants far outpacing inflation, more people are staying home.
Trump is sober about the midterm prospects for Republicans, advisers say
In private, President Trump has been hearing blunt news from advisers about the GOP's poor chances in the midterms and has accepted that some of the problem is of his making.
AI fears are fueling progressive Democrat's campaign in Michigan battleground district
Will Lawrence, a progressive Democratic congressional candidate in Michigan, is trying to harness unease over the rapid pace of artificial intelligence development to defeat Republican Rep. Tom Barrett
Vought pushes for scrutiny of NIH grants in Oval Office clash
A heated debate took place in the Oval Office on Friday, with some Trump officials accusing the National Institutes of Health of funding grants that conflict with the president’s agenda.
Trump announces ‘forever’ deal to defend Greenland as Denmark says signing ‘expected’ next week
President Trump announced an agreement with Denmark that he said gives the United States "permanent" sway over Greenland's security.
Black congressional leaders endorse James Talarico in Texas Senate race
Talarico has strong support among Black voters in public polls, but he has recently stepped up his efforts to reach them.
Iran war’s cost grows to $43.6 billion in new US military estimate
The U.S. military’s price tag for the Iran war has grown to $43.6 billion as of Sept. 3
California governor signs order pushing for an AI ‘kill switch’
California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a likely 2028 presidential contender, said he had to act because the federal government hasn’t done enough to regulate AI.
These midterm polls caught our attention this week. They’re good for Democrats.
Political strategists and pollsters say surveys are usually more reliable after Labor Day.
Build columns, not Trump’s arch, D.C. official tells administration
Local officials, preservationists and historians are pushing to scale back Trump's planned arch, advocating the slender columns originally envisioned by architects and lawmakers a century ago.
JD Vance returns to Iowa as Senate and governor races heat up
Vice President JD Vance is heading to Iowa for the second time this year to campaign for Republican majorities in Congress
Trump refers to Black man from racially offensive 1988 campaign ad while stumping in North Carolina
President Donald Trump is using a controversial campaign ad from 1988 to criticize Democrats on crime
Health Brief: The latest task force shake-up
Plus: More on RFK Jr.’s keynote at the Children’s Health Defense conference
Senator blocks bill meant to lower electricity prices linked to data centers
Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-New Mexico) halted passage of a proposal that had passed the House by an overwhelming margin.
Democrats seize on House GOP’s decision to leave town early
The Republican-led chamber has no more workdays scheduled in Washington before the November midterms.
After gaining acclaim in Los Angeles, conductor Gustavo Dudamel takes on New York
Gustavo Dudamel has taken over as music director of the New York Philharmonic
The Latest: Trump says EU allowing Canada as associate member could be a ‘hostile act’
President Donald Trump suggested that the European Union allowing Canada to become an associate member could be a “hostile act” and threatened to respond to the proposed move by imposing more tariffs on the bloc
How Ohio’s business climate became a flashpoint in the governor’s race
Experts say Ohio's business climate—and Vivek Ramaswamy's tax proposals—are far more complicated than thought.
RFK Jr. to give keynote speech at conference for anti-vaccine group he founded
Since Robert F. Kennedy Jr. was confirmed as health secretary, he has made clear he wants to overhaul the nation’s immunization system.
Trump emphasizes crime in midterm push in North Carolina
The president made violent crime the central issue in his first large-scale outdoor rally this year and cites the GOP’s 1988 “Willie Horton” attack ad on Democratic nominee Michael S. Dukakis.
Trump’s arch will harm historic sites but must proceed, federal officials say
National Park Service officials acknowledge that President Donald Trump’s planned arch would harm dozens of historic sites but say it must move forward anyway.
Analysis | The midterms are over. Sort of.
Most Americans don’t live in competitive House districts, so who will represent them in Congress next year was likely decided in the primary.