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Governor candidates reject the two-party system
Iowa fairgoers touted Zach Lahn's Iowa roots and Rob Sand's caring for people, writes Lucas Grundmeier.
Sights and sounds of politics at the Iowa State Fair
With the 2026 midterm elections this fall, there have been candidates aplenty at the Fairgrounds, doing all of the things politicians at the Fair do.
Analysis | Darline Graham’s ‘oops’ moment and the pitfalls of acknowledging ignorance
Like the senator from South Carolina, candidates have admitted to not knowing things before. Doing so rarely ends well for them.
N.Y.'s 21st Congressional District candidates in hot water over videos
Controversy is brewing in New York’s 21st Congressional District race.
More of Trump’s Chosen Candidates Lose Republican Primaries
A series of recent losses has eroded the president’s winning record, raising new questions about his hold over the party’s voters.
Americans have elected only 3 Black governors. This year, 8 major party candidates are on the ballot
With Florida Republicans nominating U.S. Rep. Byron Donalds on Tuesday, there are eight Black major party gubernatorial nominees — men and women, Democrats and Republicans — on November ballots.
Three more Trump-endorsed candidates lose their primaries
So far, 10 candidates endorsed by President Donald Trump have lost their 2026 Republican primary races, nearly tying Trump's worst year in 2022.
Trump’s endorsement record takes a hit at the end of primary season
Despite securing the most coveted endorsement in Republican politics, six Trump-backed candidates for House and governor lost their primaries in August.
Losses are piling up for Trump-backed candidates
Nearly 300,000 people turned out to vote Tuesday in Republican primaries in Wyoming and two congressional districts in Florida where President Donald Trump endorsed one of the candidates.
Americans have only elected 3 Black governors. This year, 8 major party candidates are on the ballot
Florida Republicans have settled on Byron Donalds, a congressman, as their candidate for governor, and that now makes eight Black major party nominees for governors this year
Americans have only elected 3 Black governors. This year, 8 major party candidates are on the ballot
Florida Republicans have settled on Byron Donalds, a congressman, as their candidate for governor, and that now makes eight Black major party nominees for governors this year.
How the Wisconsin governor’s race became a data center hate-off
Both candidates are trying to surf the anti-tech wave — without fully betraying the AI boom’s beneficiaries.
Markey, Moulton want to overhaul healthcare in different ways
That Ed Markey and Seth Moulton are leaning into health-centric pitches ahead of their Sept. 1 primary speaks to the creep in costs that are unsettling residents and businesses, and the candidates’ own attempts to assuage them.
Scion of Democratic Politics Makes Runoff for Alaska Governor
Tom Begich, a former Democratic legislator and singer-songwriter, will be one of four candidates on the ranked-choice ballot for governor in November.
America’s reddest state crowns GOP governor nominee
Wyoming Republicans chose their governor nominee from a four-way primary featuring Trump-endorsed Megan Degenfelder and three other candidates.
Jordan Marshall Is Michigan’s Dark Horse Heisman Candidate
When talking about potential Heisman Trophy candidates entering the 2026 college football season, Michigan running back Jordan Marshall isn’t one of the first names that gets brought up. Maybe he should be. Marshall enters his junior season as Michigan’s clear No. 1 running back after a breakout 2025 campaign, and everything appears to be lining…
Business groups again endorse Republicans for Ohio Supreme Court, but say it's not partisan
Leaders of Ohio's main business organizations insist their endorsements of the Republican candidates for Ohio Supreme Court is not just a political decision.
Planned Parenthood endorses Matt Dunlap in Maine 2nd CD race
The Cook Political Report lists the race as “likely Republican,” although House Speaker Mike Johnson visited Maine on Monday as part of a tour to promote Republican candidates across the country.
Dan Sullivan, another Dan Sullivan and an ex-congresswoman face off in Alaska's U.S. Senate primary
Alaska voters are choosing candidates for November's general election in a series of primary contests Tuesday, including a U.S. Senate race that will be among the most closely watched in the nation this fall.
Democrats enter their thirst trap era
The left is leaning into candidates who look young, energetic and even desirable, with fresh faces often eclipsing the older guard.
Cam Neely Makes Surprising Admission About Bruins Captain Decision
David Pastrnak and Charlie McAvoy appear to be obvious candidates,, but Cam Neely revealed why the Bruins might leave their captaincy vacant again.
2 Dan Sullivans Face off in Alaska's US Senate Primary, Which Also Features a Former Congresswoman
JUNEAU, Alaska (AP) — Alaska voters are choosing candidates for November's general election in a series of primary contests Tuesday, including a U.S. Senate race that will be among the most closely watched in the nation this fall. The campaign featured over a dozen contenders in each of the top ...
Mike Johnson taunts Hakeem Jeffries for losing Dems' civil war 'in his own backyard'
Speaker Mike Johnson says Democrats are in an "open civil war" after DSA-linked candidates backed by Zohran Mamdani toppled Jeffries' allies.
Hegseth to go to Iowa today to campaign for GOP candidates, sources say
Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth was scheduled to head to Iowa on Monday to give remarks, speak to veterans and campaign, sources told CBS News.
8 fantasy football RBs to avoid based on trends
Figuring out which running backs to bump down in our fantasy football draft rankings can be a daunting task. Here are eight candidates based on trends.
Health records in GOP race for Oklahoma governor could help sway voters, experts say
Gentner Drummond’s push to pressure his opponent into taking a drug test taps into voter concerns over candidates’ health and could tip the outcome of the contentious runoff election for Oklahoma’s Republican nominee for governor, some political observers said.
Candidates for governor make their pitch to voters at the Iowa State Fair
A longtime Iowa State Fair tradition gave Republican Zach Lahn and Democrat Rob Sand a chance to make their case to voters. They offered different visions for the state while portraying themselves as willing to challenge politics as usual.
Political strategists clash over over growing divisions within Democratic Party
Political strategists Angie Wong and Melissa DeRosa join 'Fox News Live' to discuss internal divisions within the Democratic Party, the rise of DSA candidates and disputes over key policies.
Dave Bushaw calls for building political independent 'movement' in Iowa
Independent Dave Bushaw told Iowa State Fairgoers that he wanted to build an infrastructure for more independent candidates to run in Iowa.
Democratic organizers, candidates attend rally [photos]
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New money and political comebacks punctuate otherwise sleepy Clearwater City Council races
2 candidates are making another go of it, while 2 others are scooping up conservative credentials and cash.
‘I’ll settle for not crazy’: Denver business leaders brace for socialist shift after big win for DSA
Denver business owners react to the rise of socialist candidates and how their policies could shape the economic landscape in the Colorado capital.
Where healthcare could sway voters, Democratic canvassers ramp up an old tactic: talking to people
In Wisconsin, voters weigh candidates who backed cuts to Medicare and Medicaid, and those who want to expand it
Ga. governor candidates focus on development, business issues
Georgia’s two major-party gubernatorial nominees are focusing on property development as they campaign for governor.
Super PACs try to game Alaska’s open primary for U.S. Senate by elevating political unknowns
Groups have spent $2 million to promote fringe or perennial candidates. It’s a false-flag strategy to help the major candidates but ranked choice voting blunts its impact.
Survey: Healthcare costs potent political issue in Georgia, but more for Democrats than Republicans
As Georgia approaches its gubernatorial election, candidates Keisha Lance Bottoms and Rick Jackson offer opposing solutions to rising healthcare costs amid a University of Georgia survey showing widespread bipartisan concern over affordability and price transparency.
Trump visiting Long Island to boost Bruce Blakeman’s gubernatorial run with speech on crime
Trump is also hoping to bolster GOP chances of holding onto the House of Representatives in the fall midterm elections, although analysts say he could weigh down candidates in suburbs where he is deeply unpopular.
Don’t paint judicial candidates with a partisan brush
The Canons of Judicial Conduct prevent judicial candidates from commenting on party affiliation or political issues.
Georgia GOP push politics of the past, including Communism and Shariah
Republican candidates are campaigning on the types of culture war issues that have animated the GOP base for years. Some fear that could alienate voters in the middle.
Nigel Farage set for decisive but arguably empty victory in Clacton
Leader of Reform UK on course to defeat Count Binface and an assortment of fringe candidates as polls close in Essex
Candidates woo voters during Politics in the Park event in Lakeland
Nearly 20 candidates mingled with voters and gave short speeches during Politics in the Park, held at Sun 'n Fun in Lakeland.
AI needs science’s search history
“Actually, that’s where the gold is,” said Alasdair Russell, my graduate school friend who leads a pre-clinical genome editing group at Cambridge. He was talking about the winding road of science that is omitted from published papers. “When you’re discussing how to do the experiment, and why this way is better than another way, and what does the data really mean? I know what it shows, but what does it mean?” At RAAIS 2026, he described how his group has begun logging the twisting path of discovery as it happens, recording the verbal and written exchanges that normally disappear. Ideas become nodes in a living graph: they branch when a meeting produces two plausible experiments, merge when separate lines of evidence converge, and go dark when someone quietly stops pursuing them. In his implementation, one agent scores novelty, while another tries to learn “how scientists think and how they navigate through a complex world of data,” so that high-potential nodes can trigger deeper investigation. As frontier AI labs deploy agents toward scientific discovery, giving AI authentic scientific taste remains a trillion-dollar dilemma. The bottleneck is that the record we have kept for centuries of science might be insufficient to get us there. The experiments that never make the paper Peter Medawar, 1960 Nobel laureate and “father of transplantation,” asked in 1963 whether the scientific paper was a fraud, and answered yes: the form of the paper misrepresents the thinking that produced it. Sixty years on, the diagnosis is unchanged. A paper presents a clean progression from hypothesis to result to conclusion. Lost along the way are the unconventional theories, the abandoned or unaffordable methods, and the underwhelming and inconclusive data. It reads like a browser history with every dead end deleted: the ten open tabs, the four rephrased queries, the wrong turn down a subforum. All scrubbed, leaving one clean path from question to answer as the canonical path. What has changed since then is that the discarded material is now worth something. No high-impact journal wants these artifacts, but raw trial and error is the most likely source of the training data required to develop scientific intuition, or what researchers call taste. Earlier attempts to capture the discards were motivated by scientific integrity. The Journal of Negative Results in Biomedicine launched in 2002 to publish rigorous studies that disputed established models or exposed ineffective treatments. Its archive preserved negative conclusions after they had become papers, rather than the live alternatives and arguments that produced them. BioMed Central closed it in 2017, saying the mission had been served now that other journals publish null results. A less generous reading is that in fifteen years it published around 200 papers because almost nobody wants to read a negative result, let alone write one up when it will not count toward academic tenure. AI models are different. Even an uninteresting negative result can be useful, provided it is labeled. Earlier this year, Anthropic put a version of this to the test. The company pulled 129 decision points from real Claude Code sessions between January and March 2026, showed models the work up to a human detour, and asked what should happen next. Claude Mythos Preview beat the human choice 64% of the time, while Opus 4.5 managed 51%. The comparison was tilted toward the models because Anthropic deliberately chose moments where the human decision had room for improvement. On 127 further scenarios where the human action was already strong, the models improved on it only about 20% of the time. The study was possible because Anthropic’s researchers work inside a tool that logs by default. The reasoning, detours and outcome are produced in the same working environment. Biology has no equivalent. Its reasoning happens in hallways, at benches, in Slack threads and on whiteboards, while the outcome arrives weeks later somewhere else. The record has to emerge from the work itself. Ask scientists to reconstruct it afterwards and we’ll create another polished account. Subscribe A log is not a label Before any of this becomes training data, a negative result has to say what failed. The first paper published in the Journal of Negative Results in Biomedicine examined 234 negative studies across five leading medical journals. Only 30% discussed statistical power, and half clearly defined a primary outcome. Tell a model an experiment failed, without telling it whether the assay was underpowered, a reagent had degraded, or the hypothesis was simply wrong, and it will learn noise with confidence. Decision histories have a second missing label too. When a lab considers five experiments and runs one, only the chosen branch returns an outcome. The other four are experimental counterfactuals. Researchers call this the selective labels problem: the data reveal results only for the actions someone chose to take. Such a record can teach a model to imitate a lab’s taste, but it cannot establish that the taste was good. It also smuggles local constraints into general lessons. A lab that never ran cryo-EM because it did not own a microscope teaches a model that cryo-EM is rarely the right call. Alasdair’s nodes preserve the candidate set, which is the necessary first step. To be useful, each decision record needs six fields: The evidence available at that moment, and nothing that arrived later. The candidates considered, including the ones dismissed in a sentence. For each candidate: the expected result, the confidence attached to it, and the cost in time and money. The route chosen, and the reason. What happened next. How the evidence changed the scientist’s view. These must be timestamped before the outcome, because hindsight turns uncertainty into inevitability. Disagreement also has to survive. Averaging three scientists into one clean rationale reproduces exactly the information loss we are trying to fix. But there is an obvious failure mode here. Once decisions are logged and scored, people log for the record post-facto. Anyone who has watched an electronic lab notebook fill up with retrospective tidying knows how quickly a research tool becomes a compliance exercise. A record that costs a scientist ten minutes of honest reflection per decision is worth far more than one that costs an hour of performance. A publication initiative called Registered Reports offers a useful starting point. Here, researchers submit their rationale, methods and analysis plan for peer review before the data exist, and the journal commits in principle to publish if they follow the approved plan. Nature has now expanded the format across every field it covers. This approach to paper writing timestamps intent before the outcome, but it freezes one plan. A useful search history must also preserve how the plan changed, which alternatives were rejected, when, and on what evidence. Subscribe Run the runner-up Autonomous labs show what happens when decisions and outcomes are connected in a loop. Liverpool’s mobile robotic chemist ran 688 experiments over eight days in a ten-variable formulation space. A batched Bayesian search used each result to choose the next experiments and found photocatalyst mixtures six times more active than the starting formulations. Every completed experiment changed what the system did next. The robot optimized within a goal and search space that humans had already chosen. It did not decide which scientific question mattered. So what this work demonstrates is narrower, but still useful: a search history pays off when the options return standardized outcomes quickly. Open-ended biology is harder because branches can take weeks and the discarded alternatives may never be run. Some exploration therefore has to be bought. Where two branches are plausible and the stakes justify the cost, a lab should sometimes run the runner-up. Otherwise the record captures what today’s scientists usually chose and stays silent on what they systematically overlooked. A funder could ring-fence a small fraction of a grant for the branch not taken, provided that the decision record and the outcome are both deposited. That costs money, but so does having every lab rediscover the same abandoned path. Test whether taste transfers When it comes time to evaluate if our new AI system exhibits taste, the comparison should run across laboratories and fields. At selected decision points in a live research campaign, we should freeze the six fields: the evidence, the candidates, expected results, confidence, costs and the choice made. Experts then rank the options before the outcomes are known, and those outcomes are checked independently later. We could give models one of two diets - papers alone, or papers plus decision histories - and ask them to rank the next experiment on unfamiliar projects. Then, we score information gained per dollar and week, calibration, and how quickly weak branches are abandoned. If histories improve choices only inside the lab that produced them, they amount to useful organizational memory. If they improve choices on unfamiliar problems elsewhere, Alasdair’s group will have captured something science has never managed to write down: a transferable record of taste. Until that happens, a scientific search history is a promising record, not yet a training set.
College football championship contenders: Favorites, long shots, and playoff candidates
College football preview season rolls on today at SB Nation. While we previously released our own Top 25 ahead of the campaign, we are diving into those rankings a bit more today, breaking them down by what teams can truly be considered title contenders. Some are longshots, others need a break or two to make […]
These swing voters in Nevada say they are not dismissing socialist candidates
In online focus groups, 10 of 12 Biden-to-Trump voters said they wouldn't automatically think negatively of a politician who identifies with socialism.
Why the ‘wisdom of crowds’ is getting some primaries wrong
Two successive weeks of primaries brought two successive shocks for progressive candidates in purple states and carry an important lesson for people watching politics:
BREAKING: Oregon State Hospital superintendent ousted after resignation of health authority leader
This is a developing story and may be updated The superintendent of the Oregon State Hospital who was appointed less than a month ago by a since-departed director of the Oregon Health Authority is out as head of the troubled state-run mental hospital, the health authority said Wednesday. Oregon Health Authority Interim Director Fariborz Pakseresht […]
Ja'Marr Chase names two Bengals breakout candidates
If Ja'Marr Chase says these guys are on the rise for the Bengals...everyone needs to pay attention.
David Crowley wins Democratic primary for Wisconsin governor over Francesca Hong
Crowley narrowly defeated democratic socialist Hong, who was hoping to ride the wave of recent victories by progressive candidates, including Abdul El-Sayed in neighboring Michigan’s U.S. Senate race last week.
Candidates for Ohio governor outline data center plans
Amy Acton called for a conditional moratorium while Vivek Ramaswamy said he wants free electricity for those near data centers.
A tale of two candidates in LD 14: Biggs’ political name versus Walsh’s career experience
Legislative District 14 is reliably Republican, making a Democratic upset this November a long shot.
Democrats swap candidates in key metro State House race
New Mexico Democrats are swapping candidates in a key State House race in Albuquerque’s Northeast Heights where they have their target set on unseating one of the few Republicans representing a House or Senate district in Albuquerque. This story was originally published at New Mexico Political Report, a nonprofit news service covering politics and policy […]
Live Results: Minnesota midterm primaries
Minnesota Democrats will decide a competitive U.S. Senate primary Tuesday in another face-off between moderate and progressive candidates that could define the party’s identity heading into the midterm elections.
Trump loves data centers. Americans hate them
If there’s a true populist issue built for our time, it might be opposition to AI data centers. Lawmakers and candidates from both parties across states are increasingly positioning themselves as critics of data center proliferation. And recent primary results suggest it’s a pretty potent issue.
How democratic socialism became Democrats' new purity test
DSA candidates are reshaping the Democratic Party – but the pull left may have less to do with policy than with the psychology of group belonging.
Political campaigns hock merchandise at Colorado’s goths, gays and gun owners
Mid-term candidates get creative in campaign apparel.
Trump-backed candidates amplify election fraud claims ahead of Midterms
Trump Stokes Islamophobia by Calling Democratic Candidates ‘Jihadists’
Along with his comments about Muslim candidates, Mr. Trump spoke disparagingly of Somalis in the United States, saying “they’re not smart.”
August 10 "Colorado Chamber Office Hours": Secretary of State candidates talk business issues
Colorado Secretary of State candidates James Wiley and Amanda Gonzalez talk business issues on the "Colorado Chamber Office Hours" podcast.
Maura Healey has two GOP rivals. Ahead of the primary, here’s how they stand apart
Michael Minogue and Brian Shortsleeve, the two GOP gubernatorial candidates in this year's Sept. 1 primary, have plenty of criticism for Gov. Maura Healey — but what defines each of them?
If it’s socialism, show us
Michigan voters have barely finished choosing their candidates for November, and already one of the oldest labels in American politics is getting another workout.
The Rise of the 1 am Job Interview
An AI interview is increasingly the first step of a hiring process. Since there’s no human on the other end, candidates are scheduling them whenever—even deep into the night.
In a competitive Maine Senate race, women voters could be the deciders
The race between Susan Collins and Troy Jackson is one of this year's most high-profile Senate contests. To win, both candidates will need support from an especially powerful voting bloc: Maine women.
Wisconsin, Minnesota primaries are next to feature progressive clash with Democratic establishment
Progressive candidates for governor in Wisconsin and U.S. Senate in Minnesota are making their final pushes ahead of Tuesday’s election
Minnesota candidates race to the finish in high-stakes primary
The mud was thick, the dogs were everywhere and duck calls blared almost constantly across the Game Fair grounds in Ramsey on Sunday, occasionally interrupted by the crack of a
Group promoting science urges Kelly to run for president
314 Action Fund has raised its profile this cycle, elevating candidates with STEM backgrounds.
This week in politics - Michigan primaries, progressive candidates and birthright citizenship revisited
UC Santa Cruz professor and KTVU political analyst, Nolan Higdon breaks down the week's political headlines.
Which college football teams can go undefeated in 2026? Here are 10 potential candidates
Every college football team sets out to win each game, but only a select few have the talent, coaching and schedule favorability to pull off that feat
Poll: Voters See Political Parties as More Extreme Than Their Own Candidates
In a New York Times/Siena poll of battleground states, national parties were seen as too far to the right or the left, while nominees were viewed as more moderate.
2 Democrats competing in congressional primary to represent SW Wisconsin
Two Democratic candidates seek their party’s nomination in Tuesday’s primary election to represent southwest Wisconsin in Washington next year.
Graham replacement hopefuls make final pitches before special election: Iran war, DSA, Flock cams and more
Nine Republican candidates clashed over the Iran war, flock cameras and the filibuster ahead of South Carolina's Aug. 11 Senate primary vote.
Burcum: Putting Flanagan and Craig to the test on health care
Columnist Jill Burcum asked the DFL candidates for their positions on several pressing Minnesota health care issues to provide a more detailed look at how they’d approach the job in the U.S. Senate.
Data centers are a political issue crossing party lines, driving voters to candidates
Wisconsin Democratic candidate for governor Francesca Hong called for a moratorium on data centers. So did Ohio Republican governor hopeful Vivek Ramaswamy, as data centers begin to dominate campaigns.
All candidates for Ohio governor have this in common
Each of the candidates for Ohio governor now wants to restrict the data center boom, all proposing some form of moratorium unless certain guidelines are met.
Live Results: Hawaii midterm primaries
An ongoing corruption scandal involving Hawaii’s lieutenant governor looms over Saturday’s state primary as nine candidates jockey to replace her.
R.I. Democratic challengers find footing with business group's multi-PAC strategy
The conservative political group spends $50K on five Democratic legislative candidates while encouraging anonymous donations.
A ‘clown show’ of carpetbaggers and characters has upended a Republican primary in Trump’s backyard
Two scandal-scarred former congressmen from other states. A pair of candidates who once competed against each other in Illinois. An adviser to an Indiana lawmaker and an ex-underwear model imprisoned for his role in the January 6 attack on the US Capitol.
Opinion | A political debate that was actually civil
Democratic candidates for the Sixth District offered a glimpse of what politics can be: civil, substantive, and focused on the problems voters actually care about.
Trump’s racist politics BACKFIRE in Michigan GOP primary
Chris Hayes: Trump and his allies are unleashing a wave of anti-Muslim bigotry, and in Michigan, that hatred is already consuming candidates in their own party.
97th District Debate Spotlights Prison Politics
At a debate between candidates running for an east-side state rep seat, attorney Leland Moore made the case that just because you represent someone, doesn't mean you agree with them -- even if your client is the state's prison system. His opponent, Wildaliz Bermúdez, countered: "But the work that we do becomes who we are."
US Stand Up for Science movement expands to Europe
A grassroots movement by scientists in the US pushing back against threats to academic freedom is setting up a Swiss outpost to take the movement global. Stand Up for Science started in February 2025 to protest against politically-motivated grant cancellations by the Trump administration. Since then, it has organised numerous rallies by scientists and turned into a broader campaigning organisation, supporting “pro-science” political candidates and attempting to impeach Robert F. Kennedy Jr, the health and human services secretary the group accuses of advancing “quack” science. Now, Stand Up for Science is establishing a Swiss office to take some of its campaigning beyond the US, and its leader is urging European academics to organise similar pro-science groups in case they face similar threats in Europe. There will likely be “spillover” to Europe from what the Trump administration is attempting in the US, said Colette Delawalla, chief executive of Stand Up for Science, who last month returned from a tour of Europe. “Are we going to see a Trump-style scientific [. . .] take over in the same way?” she asked.Delawalla, who is doing a PhD in clinical psychology, said she was driven to help found the organisation after the Trump administration started cancelling health research grants in politically taboo topics, such as transgender people, diversity and HIV, in early 2025. Since then, the administration has introduced several other measures that infringe academic and institutional autonomy.It threatened to cut Harvard University’s federal funding unless the university accepted a “critical mass” of new faculty and students to create “viewpoint diversity.” And this year, it proposed explosive new rules that would allow political appointees at research funders to screen grants to make sure they “advance the president's policy priorities.”US scientists have been at times stunned by the volume of announcements, and the country’s researchers were relatively unprepared. “We sit in front of the fire hose every day,” said Delawalla. For this reason, European scientists need to prepare now for similar assaults. “If you've got a little bit of extra time to start thinking through, and making those preparations and building community and solidarity,” then European researchers will “start five steps ahead of where we were.” She plans to return to Paris in September to share experiences with concerned French academics. Is Le Pen the same?During her European tour, Delawalla said that French academics were beginning to worry about a National Rally (RN) victory in presidential elections next year. She said there were “chilling similarities” between Trump and Marine Le Pen, the RN’s likely candidate. However, so far, the RN hasn’t proposed anything nearly as radical as the Trump administration has carried out. Its current manifesto is all but silent on university and research policy. Le Pen’s 2022 manifesto bemoaned a lack of French R&D spending, including in fundamental research, and promised to modernise labs and strip away grant bureaucracy. The party’s 2024 European election manifesto explicitly supported the Erasmus+ student exchange programme, scientific exchange and joint European technology projects. However, a Le Pen victory next year could see France drastically cut its contribution to the EU, which would hit the budget for science and innovation. Meanwhile, more restrictive immigration policies could hit university recruitment of faculty and students. Climate science denial?As heatwaves and wildfires have ravaged France, the RN has sought to distance itself from previous comments casting doubt on climate science.In the UK, the radical-right party Reform UK, now second in the polls, denied climate research in a draft of its 2024 election manifesto, but its leader, Nigel Farage, then appeared to quietly U-turn and said he was “not arguing the science.” By contrast, Trump has repeatedly and explicitly denied climate change science, in 2025 calling it “the greatest con job.” Like the RN, Reform UK has been light on research and university policy. However, it did say in its 2024 manifesto that universities should suffer “heavy financial penalties” for allowing “political bias or cancel culture” on campus, building on laws brought in by a previous Conservative government. Ahead of September state elections in Saxony-Anhalt in Germany, the poll-leading Alternative for Germany has proposed abolishing gender studies and postcolonial studies, and promised money for “critical” climate research and studies of Islam. Starts with rhetoricEven if European radical right parties aren’t currently planning the draconian policy measures of the Trump administration, Delawalla said that academics should not be complacent, and fight even small funding restrictions or anti-science talk from the start. “It starts off with sowing distrust about institutions,” she said. “It starts off with these small things, and then all of a sudden it's there.” There are other, more established science and university advocacy groups in the US aside from Stand Up for Science. But the group stands out because of Delawalla’s refusal to attempt to appear politically bipartisan or conciliatory. “I firmly believe that the US is experiencing fascism,” she said. “We’re not trying to win over the super Maga people,” she said, “and we never have been.” The lesson of the US is that even if universities or other institutions capitulate to government demands, this doesn’t save them from cuts and restrictions. “It doesn’t matter what people do,” she said. Global “pseudoscience”Another aim of Stand Up for Science’s push into Europe is to better coordinate a campaign to protect people in poorer countries from what the group describes as “pseudoscientific exploitation,” trials outside the US used to build a case against things like vaccines. Earlier this year, the group sent an investigator to Guinea-Bissau to investigate a controversial, Danish-run Hepatitis B vaccine project funded by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.The study would have withheld a proven vaccine from newborns, Stand Up for Science argued in a briefing it presented to Congress, risking their health. Significantly, the research group based in Guinea-Bissau, known as Bandim, focuses on the “non-specific effects” of vaccines: impacts on health beyond preventing the target disease. Related articlesEuropean researchers sound the alarm that Trump rule changes will hit cooperationData corner: which fields of health science is the US curbing? The US ‘golden age’ science strategy: what Europeans need to know The suspicion is that the study was funded as part of an attempt to shop around for results that could help build a case against vaccines in the US, said Delawalla. “This is just code for vaccines cause autism,” she said.Bandim has put out a rebuttal of Stand Up for Science’s criticisms, arguing its work has uncovered a number of vaccine side effects, both positive and negative, which need to be taken into account in public health. However, Congressional Democrats took up the Stand Up for Science cause, and in February, Guinea-Bissau said it had permanently halted the study. WatchdogBut for Delawalla, this is not the end of the fight. Kennedy has made a number of health claims that scientists think lack evidence, such as the idea that seed oils cause inflammation, for example. Delawalla worries that more studies could be launched in poorer countries to fish around for evidence to support this agenda. Stand Up for Science is talking to African science organisations to create a kind of “watchdog” to scrutinise any further trials. “Outsourcing the investigation to some of the most vulnerable children in the world who are desperate [. . .] is fundamentally wrong,” she said.
Georgia gubernatorial candidates pitch competing plans at business forum
ATHENS — Georgia’s two candidates for governor showcased their competing plans for healthcare, jobs and other top issues at a business-focused gathering Wednesday. Gov. Brian Kemp also gave his full-throated support to fellow Republican Rick Jackson, saying Jackson was the most likely candidate to continue his business-friendly policies. The Democrat in the race, former Atlanta […]
Major Minnesota political candidates make Farmfest appearance
El-Sayed gives progressives another victory and a new challenge
In Michigan’s primaries, the most progressive candidates won out, extending their movement into the Rust Belt and setting up a major test in November.
The Democrats’ Riskiest Midterm Play
They have been backing independent Senate candidates in red states. But Montana is not working as planned.
California Republicans tried to cut him off. Then he beat them from the right
The conservative group Reform California promotes candidates to the right of the California GOP. They won in several key primary races
Post-Primary Recap: The Electability Argument Falls Flat
Kingmaking isn’t what it used to be in Democratic politics.In Democratic primaries for governor of Kansas, Michigan’s 7th district, and Michigan’s open Senate seat, battle-tested and popular Democratic elected officials urged voters to select the candidates they said would be stronger general election choices. Instead, Democratic primary voters picked candidates who were more progressive, despite warnings that those nominees could tank the party’s chances of clawing back control of Congress.
Progressives and moderate Democrats both see wins in primary races while Trump flexes power over GOP
Everyone got a little bit of what they wanted in Tuesday's primary elections. It was a good night for the Democratic establishment, the progressives and Republican candidates endorsed by President Trump.
Why CT voters are seeing so much political advertising this year
Candidates for governor and Congress in Connecticut have advertised aggressively in recent weeks, leading up to the primary.
US midterm primary elections live updates: High-stakes Michigan Senate race among key contests in five states
Voters in Michigan, Missouri, Washington, Kansas and Virginia head to polls to select candidates who will appear on November ballots
4 questions about the high-stakes Michigan Democratic primary
For two days last week, I lived inside the hottest political race in the country — the Michigan U.S. Senate Democratic primary between the more centrist congresswoman Haley Stevens and progressive former public health director Abdul El-Sayed. Producer Sam Weber and I flew into Detroit with some questions. How do these candidates stack up in real life? What actually matters to Michigan? Will this divide be a problem for Democrats in November? Does this race
Bomb-thrower Dem makes shocking promise to kick Schumer to curb during Senate debate
Seth Moulton vowed not to support Chuck Schumer as Senate leader, intensifying a Democratic Party clash between younger candidates and establishment.
Volunteer network born during immigration crackdown becomes DFL organizing force
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If Not AOC, Then Who?
What do we do if Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez decides not to run for president in 2028? It makes sense that many leftists are currently focused on calling on her to take the plunge. But the absence of a Plan B, or even much discussion about one, is worrisome. The US Left can’t afford to sit out the 2028 Democratic primary. Doing so in 2024 was a disaster: our abstention self-marginalized anti-billionaire politics from the national conversation and thereby gave space for Harris to pivot to the “center” (i.e. the policy preferences of corporate donors, establishment hacks, and AIPAC). Abstaining again in 2028 would be especially counterproductive since democratic socialists now have so much wind in our sails after our big electoral wins in NYC and across the country. It’s time to deepen our momentum, organization, and profile — not to retreat to the margins during America’s single most important political battle. Even more urgently, keeping Trump’s heir out of the White House may depend on whether leftists and the party’s unprecedentedly disenchanted base can force the Democrats in 2028 to take meaningful steps towards a very angry electorate and away from the corporate-consultant blob that has helped get us into this mess. If AOC (or Abdul El-Sayed) decides to run, we should enthusiastically go all in — DSA, fighting unions, progressive organizations, anybody who wants to see a better country and world. But, as far as I can tell from the outside, there’s a real chance that she doesn’t run. And we can’t just wait and see where she lands before discussing alternatives, since AOC’s decision might not come for quite a while, giving us little time to scramble at the last minute for an alternative. So we should start working now on getting a Plan B into motion, and recruiting a good candidate for the role. Here’s one idea. A Worker Candidate — Healthcare Not Warfare 2028 Run a union worker Leftists don’t need to always run experienced, well-known socialist politicians for high-profile contests. Lula, the current president of Brazil, began his political career as a metalworker militant who ran for governor of São Paulo in 1982. Especially in an era of institutional distrust, it’s possible to lean hard into making a virtue out of a working-class comrade’s distance from traditional politics. Experience abroad shows this clearly. Rachel Kéké — an immigrant hotel housekeeper — ran as the candidate of the leftist La France Insoumise for the National Assembly in 2022, defeating a former minister in the Macron government. The Belgian Workers’ Party in 2024 won its first Flemish seat in the European Parliament by running Rudi Kennes, a three-decade veteran of the Opel Antwerp auto factory. And the South Korean left in 2024 elected auto factory militant Yoon Jong-oh to the National Assembly. If a tiny French Trotskyist organization could make such a big splash in 2002 and 2007 by running a well-spoken postal worker cadre for office — the LCR’s Olivier Besancenot received about 1.5 million first-round votes — it’s not far-fetched to expect that a much larger organization like DSA, together with a broader coalition of the willing, could run this playbook to much greater effect. This is especially the case now that almost everything DSA does immediately becomes a national news story. We don’t need someone famous. We just need a charismatic, well-vetted comrade who works in a relatable working-class occupation — e.g. a nurse, or a worker in auto or construction, or at Amazon. Ideally, they have a compelling personal story or have been part of a significant strike or organizing campaign, but even those criteria don’t necessarily have to be deal-breakers. The main lesson of the Graham Platner fiasco isn’t that we should never run outsiders for office (the momentum he generated proves the exact opposite), but that they need proper vetting and roots in democratic membership organizations like DSA or a union. In any case, there are plenty of ways to signal working-class authenticity without resorting to Platner’s or Fetterman’s performative macho white dude affect. Better to have someone of any gender or race who is actually working class, with firm socialist politics, who can speak from experience about the day-to-day realities of trying to make it in America. There are surely at least a dozen such worker leaders in our movement nationwide; we just need to sit down and convince one that their personal sacrifice for the greater good (i.e. running for president) will be worth it. If we don’t have a frontrunner with a clear path to victory like AOC (or El-Sayed, were he to win Michigan), it’s better to embrace someone whose decision to run in itself tells an important story about US politics: workers have been iced out of our political system and are now fighting hard to break back in. The novelty factor, in itself, would generate press. And it would help democratic socialists signal to the American public that our movement’s defining characteristic is that we represent workers vs. bosses, not that we’re “the furthest left” force in American politics — a framework that suggests we’re extremists and that helps our opponents isolate us from non-college-educated voters by highlighting extremely minoritarian (and misguided) stances included in DSA’s platform like prison abolition. We don’t get many opportunities to speak to tens of millions of Americans; we need to use these opportunities to broaden our appeal beyond those already in our orbit. Run to polarize the 2028 primary and general election around “Medicare for All” and “End All Aid to Israel” Why should democratic socialists use our scarce time and volunteer energy to run in a race we’re unlikely to win? Running in the 2028 primary will not only recruit us scores of members (imagine having a DSA member intervening in eleven nationally televised primary debates!), but — more importantly — it has the potential to be a decisive leap forward towards an America that finally starts meeting the needs of working people instead of HMO and AIPAC billionaire donors. Polarizing litmus tests are good, actually — as long as they’re fought for around popular demands in a thoughtful and strategic way. Democratic socialists have an opportunity and responsibility to make the 2028 primary about two of the most widely and deeply felt issues of our moment: domestically, America’s unaffordable, family-breaking private healthcare system; internationally, America’s bankrolling of the genocidal Israeli government. A candidacy relentlessly demanding Medicare for All and No Aid to Israel would pose a sharp question to the American public, the Democratic Party, and other 2028 contenders: Why can’t working-class Americans afford their healthcare bills at the same time that our government is spending at least $3.8 billion yearly to fund an Israeli regime eager to keep dragging us and the world into more forever wars? Our candidate can agitate around a clear message: I’m running to give voice to all those working-class Americans who are struggling to get by. No matter what state you live in, who you voted for in 2024, or your background, it’s just plain common sense that we should make healthcare more affordable instead of spending billions to enable the Israeli government’s crimes against humanity. Every American who agrees with me when I say ‘Medicare for All — Not a Dime for Israel’ should make their voice heard through our campaign. Racking up a high number of votes for this agenda is a crucial way to show the Democratic Party and the country as a whole that we can’t keep supporting a life-destroying status quo in our healthcare system and in the Middle East. If we want to defeat Trump’s handpicked crony this coming November, we need to speak to ordinary people’s frustrations with the status quo — we can’t keep running the same tired establishment playbook and expecting a different result. For those highly engaged voters (or skeptical media pundits) who raise concerns about wasting votes, the candidate can take the time to explain why this isn’t the case: It's true I'm a long shot. But Zohran showed anything can happen — and voting for me is a pragmatic decision, not a wasted vote. In a heavily divided primary with a large number of candidates and a very discredited establishment, my campaign and the democratic socialist movement I’m part of are positioned to be the balance of power if we can get a large enough number of voters to loudly demand Healthcare Not Warfare. Since there’s a high chance no candidate will get to 50% in the 2028 primaries, the Democrats could very well be heading towards a brokered convention, where a disciplined, principled current committed to breaking from corporate donors can play an outsized role in making sure whoever ends up with the nomination raises the banner of single-payer healthcare and cutting aid to Israel. How exactly could running this sort of primary campaign be translated into actual leverage? The candidate replies: I’m aiming to win the nomination, but if I don’t achieve that goal, my delegates and I will pledge our support in the primary only for a candidate who agrees in the general election to call for ending US aid to Israel and establishing Medicare for All at home. These are both winning planks for November against the Republicans, and the only reason I can see that other candidates haven’t yet raised these is that they’re still more scared of the donor class than they are of the people. That needs to change. If Democratic leaders want young people, workers, and those sick of the status quo to show up in big numbers this November, they need to meet us halfway. In this way, whether or not we win the nomination, democratic socialists could still play a decisive role in 2028. The approach outlined here is similar to what radical left parties periodically do in parliamentary democracies like Denmark or Sweden when they find themselves as a junior partner electorally: they dictate to center-left allies what their terms would be for enabling, from the outside, the formation of a new government. Running a Healthcare Not Warfare candidate will make it significantly more likely that the 2028 Democratic candidate stands with ordinary people instead of donors on these two pivotal planks — a shift that will, in turn, make it easier to achieve the existentially important task of defeating MAGA’s heir in November. Look at how much popular traction the Uncommitted movement got with a similar strategy in 2024 with so little on-the-ground organization — surely we can go much further with a working-class candidate, a much bigger DSA, and a Democratic Party base that has turned against Israel, billionaires, and the hacks in the party who prop them up. Objections and Responses There are quite a few objections to this proposal, many of which are very reasonable. Let me briefly address each here. Socialists shouldn’t waste their scarce time and resources on a candidate unlikely to win. This is a good rule in general, but there are important exceptions, and presidential elections are the main one. There’s no other political contest that gets anything like this level of attention and engagement in the US, so if you want to be a serious force in nationwide politics, you basically can’t afford not to have a candidate. Far from being an overall drain on our resources, running a dynamic 2028 campaign would likely result in a major net increase in members and capacity. In that spirit, the very pragmatic Milwaukee sewer socialists — who mostly ran to win at home in Wisconsin — supported Eugene Debs’s propagandistic presidential campaigns, which they correctly saw as a crucial means of recruiting to the Socialist Party. And now that the (post-1972) Democratic Party gives more weight to voters than party operatives in determining its presidential nomination, it’s become feasible to run as a socialist in primaries without risking a split in the vote against the Republicans in November. We should just support Ro Khanna, who also supports M4A and ending aid to Israel. I like Ro Khanna and would enthusiastically vote and canvass for him for president were he to get the nomination. But there’s a real chance that Khanna’s bid for office doesn’t catch on; he lacks the grassroots organizational apparatus of DSA, and, because he’s not really of the Left or labor (despite his current very good positions), he’s unlikely to generate the type of buy-in and enthusiasm that a DSA candidate would. Moreover, Khanna would be running as an individual, not as someone emerging from and building an organized movement — his campaign would not likely focus on building sustained power from below, nor would it likely polarize the 2028 primary around M4A and Israel aid. Also, and not inconsequentially, the poor electoral results for Tom Steyer and Saikat Chakrabarti this spring suggest that there’s perhaps not much of a popular appetite in the Democrats’ base to support multi-millionaire class traitors. Much better, then, to run a democratic socialist worker. If by Super Tuesday it’s clear that our campaign has captured the main left lane in the primary, Khanna should drop out and endorse us; conversely, if he’s managed to capture this lane, DSA could at that point transform its Healthcare Not Warfare campaign into an independent campaign to elect Ro Khanna focused on winning (and holding him accountable to) those two critical planks. An openness to consolidating an anti-corporate candidate by Super Tuesday is a necessary component of the strategy I’m proposing, because otherwise we risk splitting the primary votes (per DNC rules, you need at least 15% to get any delegates to convention). We should convince Shawn Fain or Sara Nelson to run for president instead. I agree it’d be great if either ran for president, but my impression is that there’s basically no chance that will happen in 2028, because both are firmly focused on their union leadership duties (and, in the case of Fain, beating back a federal witch-hunt). This plan could have DSA end up endorsing a non-socialist, non-DSAer for president. That’s against our principles. It’s a myth, and bad politics, that socialists can’t ever support candidates who aren’t members of their organization and/or who don’t call themselves socialists. Bernie, after all, was not a DSAer. And socialists abroad regularly make tactical decisions about if and when supporting a non-socialist candidate makes sense from the standpoint of promoting working-class interests, defending democracy, and building a socialist current in the process. If your “principles” prevent you and DSA from helping achieve the momentous stride forward of having a Democratic candidate in 2028 run on Medicare for All and ending aid to Israel, those “principles” are not very good. In fact, they actively undermine the causes they’re aiming to support. We shouldn’t confuse principles (working-class independence) with tactics (the best way to advance this in a given context). In my recent article in Catalyst on Milwaukee sewer socialism (I’ve uploaded the full text here), I have a section showing how similarly rigid rules about endorsements had to be eventually discarded in the old Socialist Party nationwide after WWI because they tended to lead socialists towards a sectarian abstention from broader anti-corporate electoral insurgencies beyond their party’s control. For what it’s worth, Lenin’s current under Tsarism frequently backed bourgeois candidates in the second round of elections and Lenin himself advocated that British Communists support Labour Party candidates; for his part, Kautsky in 1912 defended the German Social Democracy’s electoral pact with the Progressives in the runoffs. If our predecessors could be that tactically flexible in an era before the limits of their underlying strategic assumptions about intransigent class politics in capitalist democracies were made clear, then there’s no need to insist on being more tactically rigid today, after a century’s worth of accumulated experience. As long as you maintain your own political profile and organization while engaging in broader coalitional efforts, there’s zero inherent contradiction with the principle of political independence. More specifically: DSA and allied organizations should enthusiastically back Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed if AOC declines to run and he throws his hat in the presidential ring. (I have no idea whether he’s even considering this path, but there’ll surely be chatter about it if he wins his Senate race this November.) Though he doesn’t call himself a socialist, El-Sayed is a principled Berniecrat, a consistent fighter for Palestine, and would have a clear path to victory. Using the “s” word is far less important than whether a campaign fights for the interests of working people at home and abroad — and whether actively participating in it can grow the organized working class and the Left. And the same holds true if a less anti-corporate candidate were, under pressure, to adopt our two Healthcare Not Warfare planks. Why focus only on M4A and ending US aid to Israel? There are so many other important issues to fight for! Obviously there are many pivotal issues beyond healthcare and Israel, and our candidate — and especially our organizations involved in the campaign — should be prepared to speak on all of these. But one of the crucial lessons of the Zohran campaign is that you have to relentlessly stay on message if you want to cut through the noise. CNN and Fox News will want to talk about DSA’s views on Venezuela and abolishing the police; we need to polarize the debate on the widely and deeply felt issues that are most favorable for growing the Left, isolating our opponents, and winning urgently needed changes. One recent poll found 63% of Americans support M4A, even after respondents were told it would raise taxes and eliminate most private insurance. Another found that 74% of Democrats opposed “providing additional economic and military support to Israel.” And focusing on two demands sets the campaign up to be able to leverage its mandate to make clear demands upon other candidates (which we can’t do if we run with a laundry list of demands). Talking about a Plan B is a distraction from the more urgent work of building a groundswell of calls on AOC to run. It’s good for DSAers, fightback unionists, and progressive organizations to try to convince AOC to run. This proposal is meant as an addendum to pushes to get AOC to run and to line DSA up for that eventuality, not as a substitute for those efforts. But I’m worried that, like in 2024, we might eventually find ourselves with no time to find a viable alternative unless we start now. DSA, with its abundant deliberative processes, moves slowly. The approach you’re suggesting seems risky. If a DSA candidate runs but doesn’t receive a lot of votes, it’ll undercut our current national momentum. This is a reasonable worry. All big initiatives always carry risks, and the path I’m advocating is certainly not free of these. That said, if a Healthcare Not Warfare campaign doesn’t catch on like we envisioned, it’s a pretty simple pivot in March 2028 to explain that in the future we really need our standard-bearers like AOC, or our growing bench of national electeds, to step up in presidential primaries. Moreover, it’s worth noting that the risk of my Plan B proposal is on the whole significantly less than the risk entailed by an AOC run. We should all back her if she runs, since she’d fire up the base, provide huge openings for organizing, have a real shot at defeating a Republican (especially given MAGA’s unpopularity), be a great standard-bearer for our issues, particularly M4A and ending aid to Israel, and be less willing than mainstream candidates to capitulate to any anti-democratic machinations from Trump and co. But it’s also true that AOC could lose, which would be a devastating setback to the country and the Left. Or she could win and find herself unable to pass much, if any, of her (and our) program, a demoralizing prospect. So if we’re willing to take these risks with AOC (and we should), it follows that we should be able to take lower-level risks if she doesn’t throw her hat in the ring. What’s Your Plan B? The US Left is facing its biggest opening for growth and influence since the 1930s. Initiatives that would have been impossible a few months ago are now potentially feasible. A President AOC is now easier to imagine, but if she ultimately assesses that the risks aren’t worth the potential reward in 2028, we can’t be left flat-footed. So even if you’re not convinced by the specifics of my Plan B, I hope you can at least agree that it’d be a disaster for us not to have one — and not to start getting a Plan B into motion. Hopefully other organizers and political currents will put forward their responses and alternative ideas ASAP. The stakes are too high to just wait and see. More As always, please share this article widely. This newsletter depends on all you lovely people to get the word out. Thank you! I uploaded the full text of my Catalyst article on Milwaukee sewer socialism here (it’s updated and 3x as long as the version published earlier on this substack). If you haven’t yet, please make sure to subscribe to Catalyst here; I read every issue front to back, highly recommend. 🌹🎵 Ivan Lins (arranged by Arthur Verocai) — “General da Banda” 🌹🎵
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