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Communist Party Politics, Rockets and Komsomol Business in Soviet Dnipropetrovsk

This is an excerpt from Ukraine’s Outpost: Dnipropetrovsk and the Russian-Ukrainian War (2022). Free to download from E-International Relations. The Ukrainian city of Dnipropetrovsk (in 2016 the city was renamed Dnipro) was shown on a movie screen in the Soviet Union for the first time in 1981 as a ‘Russian-speaking’ city in Nikita Mikhalkov’s feature film Rodnia. A story of a Russian peasant woman who visited her daughter in the big industrial city was used by Mikhalkov in his movie to emphasise a growing crisis in Soviet family life during the Brezhnev era when former Russian peasants lost their Orthodox Christian identity during the process of socialist industrialisation and modernisation. Paradoxically, Mikhalkov completely ignored the real social and national problems of the city; instead choosing as the setting for his movie Russian peasants’ adjustment to Soviet modernisation. Even now many Russians use this film as evidence of the ‘Russian character’ of Dnipropetrovsk ignoring the real demographic and social history of this Ukrainian region (Elberg-Wilson 2016).[1] Despite Mikhalkov’s picture, the city of Dnipro and the Dnipropetrovsk region had a multi-national and multi-cultural character coupled with the strong influence of Ukrainian and Jewish culture. Get E-International Relations delivered to your inbox, free. As you sign up, consider becoming a paid subscriber, or make a donation, to support our work. Subscribe Using various archival and published documents, this chapter will cover the social, economic and cultural development of the city and the region of Dnipropetrovsk through the period of late socialism after Stalin, showing the ties between the multi-national Komsomol members and business ventures during perestroika and how this influenced the rise of oligarchic clans in post-Soviet Ukraine. Emergence of Soviet Dnipropetrovsk Paradoxically, from the early beginning, the founding of the ‘city of Catherine’s glory’ (Ekaterinoslav in Russian) and its province in 1776 by the Russian imperial administration of the Catherine the Second involved non-Russian ethnic groups, which shaped a historical demography of this region in Southern Ukraine. These ethnic groups included the local Ukrainian Orthodox Christian peasants and Cossacks, Jewish traders and artisans, Armenian Christians, and Tatar Muslim settlers. By the middle of the nineteenth century, thousands of German Protestant and Mennonite colonists also settled in the province. Moreover, by attracting foreign capital, the Russian imperial administration transformed this multi-ethnic and multi-religious region in the booming industrial centre of the Russian Empire by the beginning of twentieth century (Zhuk 2004, 33–96). After the Russian Revolution and civil war, the province of Ekaterinoslav continued to play an important role in the industrial development of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1926 the Soviet administration decided to change the name of Ekaterinoslav which sounded too ‘old fashioned’ and ‘imperial Russian.’ The new name was a combination of the name of the Dnipro River with the last name of Grigorii Petrovskii, head of the All-Ukrainian Executive Committee of the Soviets, and well-known organiser of the working-class movement in the region of Ekaterinoslav before the Revolution. ‘Dnipro-Petrovske’ was later transformed into ‘Dnipropetrovsk’ (Bolebrukh 2001, 156). Both the city and region of Dnipropetrovsk lived through the New Economic Policy (N.E.P.), industrialisation and the Stakhanovite movement. The region lost millions of human lives during collectivisation and the dekulakisation campaign, and especially during the Holodomor of 1932–33. During industrialisation, the Soviet government restored the industrial base of the region. Former metallurgical giants such as the Petrovskii (formerly Brianskii)plant, the Chodoir (formerly Vladimir Lenin) plant and others resumed production of pig iron and steel. During the 1930s, Dnipropetrovsk became an important centre for Soviet heavy industry. In 1932, Dnipropetrovsk regional metallurgical plants produced 20 per cent of the entire cast iron and 25 per cent of the steel manufactured in the Soviet Ukrainian Republic. After the beginning of the campaign of ‘Ukrainianisation’ in 1923, the number of those who spoke Ukrainian grew, reaching 38.5 per cent in the city by the end of the 1920s. Between 1932 and 1939, the number of city dwellers in Dnipropetrovsk increased to over 500,662. The Dnipropetrovsk region became the most urbanised of Soviet Ukraine with more than 2,273,000 people living in the region (Vasiliev 1977, 55; Bolebrukh 2001, 159–164). Dnipropetrovsk also became the cultural and educational centre of Soviet Ukraine. There were ten colleges, including the State University, 97 secondary schools and 19 vocational schools. The Soviet administration restored local drama and music theatres. During the 1930s, Dnipropetrovsk had 120 libraries, five museums, six movie-theatres, 30 clubs and palaces of culture (Bolebrukh 2001_,_159–164). The Leonid Brezhnev Clan Post-war Soviet modernisation influenced the careers of many young and ambitious Komsomol members in the region. One of them, Leonid Brezhnev, was born in 1906 in Kamenskoe, joined the Kommunystycheskaya Partyya Sovetskoho Soyuza (Communist party of the Soviet Union - KPSS) in 1931 and, after graduation from Dniprodzerzhinsk Metallurgical Institute was elected as a council deputy of the city of Dniprodzerzhinsk. The Stalinist purges of the 1930s removed many old Soviet and Communist officials from government positions who perished in prisons and the labour camps of GULAG. Young people such as Brezhnev filled the void created by Stalinist repressions in the region. In 1938, the young Brezhnev was elected as a member of the regional committee of the Soviet Communist party of Ukraine (KPU) and head of the Department of Agitation and Propaganda. By the young age of 32, Brezhnev had become secretary of the KPU committee of the most important industrial region of Soviet Ukraine. His career was interrupted by the Great Patriotic War when Brezhnev joined the army as an ideological officer (see Mlechin 2005). From August 1941 to October 1943, the Dnipropetrovsk region was occupied by the Nazis, and Soviet troops liberated the entire region by February 1944 (Berkhoff 2004, 11, 36, 49, 149–150, 152–153, 248–249). The Soviet administration restored the industrial base of Dnipropetrovsk, and by 1950 the main metallurgical and machine-building factories had reached their pre-war levels of industrial production and productivity. During this period, Brezhnev began his political career as a talented and ambitious organizer of the industrial re-birth of Dnipropetrovsk. He was an experienced young army ideologist who had proved his loyalty to the Stalinist leadership during the war and was familiar with Dnipropetrovsk before 1941. The Central Committee of the KPSS sent Brezhnev to Dnipropetrovsk in November 1947 when he was elected first secretary of the Dnipropetrovsk regional committee of the KPU, and he ruled the oblast until June 1950 (Vosstanovlenie). His successors were Andrei Kirilenko and Volodymyr Shcherbitskyy, both close friends. Two other young comrades of Brezhnev, Oleksiy Vatchenko and Yevhen Kachalovskii led the region respectively in 1965–1976 and 1976–1983 (Vasiliev 1977, 72; Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 233; Mlechin 2005). Brezhnev promoted the political career of his old friends, many of whom became prominent political figures in Kyiv and Moscow during his leadership of the KPSS. Both contemporaries and scholars who study the ‘Brezhnev period’ call this phenomenon the ‘Dnipropetrovsk mafia’ or rule of the ‘Dnipropetrovsk Family’ (Nahaylo 1999, 36, 69; Wilson 2000, 162). Since the rise of Brezhnev to the pinnacle of Soviet power, the ruling elites of Dnipropetrovsk influenced not only regional, but also republican and All-Union politics. Dnipropetrovsk’s transformation into an important centre of the Soviet military industrial complex was directly related to the sudden rise of Brezhnev to the pinnacle of Soviet power in October of 1964. Brezhnev promoted the political career of his compatriots from the Dnipropetrovsk military industrial complex. Brezhnev’s friends and close colleagues from his post-war years in the Dnipropetrovsk region went to Moscow and became prominent political figures in the Soviet nomenklatura hierarchy during the 1960s and 1970s. Two main industries of the Soviet military industrial complex – metallurgy and missile-building – had important factories in Dnipropetrovsk and therefore provided the Brezhnev clan with new members from 1964 until 1982. Even after the downfall of the Brezhnev clan in Moscow in 1983, when Yurii Andropov began his struggle ‘against corruption and nepotism’ in the Soviet nomenklatura, members of this clan continued to play a prominent role in the political life of Soviet Ukraine. Besides the Physical-Technical Department of Dnipropetrovsk State University, the Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute also assisted the political careers of many of Brezhnev’s close friends who in the 1970s and 1980s became important members of the Kremlin nomenklatura. Nikolai Tikhonov, former head of Dnipropetrovsk Sovnarkhoz during the 1950s, was one of the deputies of the Soviet Prime Minister between 1966 and 1976, First Deputy of the Prime Minister from 1976 to 1980 and head of the USSR Council of Ministers from 1980 to 1985.[2] Nikolai Shcholokov was the Soviet Minister of Public Order in 1966–1968 and from 1968 to 1982 he was Soviet Minister of Interior. Georgii Tsynev was during 1971–1976 a member of the Central Revision Committee of the KPSS and a deputy head of the KGB from 1970 to 1982. In the KGB he was the 1st Deputy Chairman in 1982–1985 as well as he was a Candidate Member of CPSU Central Committee in 1976–1981 and accordingly was a full Member of the said body in 1981–1986. Victor Chebrikov, who graduated from Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute in 1950, was one of the leaders of the city party organisation in Dnipropetrovsk from 1961 to 1971. In 1971 he became the head of the personnel department of the USSR KGB, First Deputy of the Head of this organization and from 1982 to 1988 a chairman of the KGB (Pikhovshek 1996, 11–12, 272–274). Another of Brezhnev’s close friends, Volodymyr Shcherbytskyy, promoted the careers of other people from the region of Dnipropetrovsk. With his support, Oleksii Vatchenko became the head of the Presidium of the Ukrainian Soviet Supreme Soviet from 1976 until 1984 with the assistance of another politician from Dnipropetrovsk, Valentyna Shevchenko. Aleksandr Kapto, who worked as a secretary of both the Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol organization and the Soviet Ukrainian Komsomol in Kyiv in the 1960s, oversaw the Department of Culture in the Central Committee of the KPU; in 1979–1986 he was a Secretary of the Central Committee and accordingly was the main ideologist of the Soviet Ukraine. Many other members of the ‘Kyiv ruling class’ under Shcherbytskyy were also linked to the Dnipropetrovsk metallurgical and military lobby. Shcherbytskyy’s assistant from 1972 to 1984 was Konstantin Prodan who began his career in the Komsomol organisation of the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Pikhovshek 1996, 48–103). As a contemporary political analyst noted, ‘Officially Prodan was put in charge of industrial production, though, according to insiders of the former KPU Central Committee, his principal function was ‘maintaining’ contact with Brezhnev’s assistant Georgii Tsukanov in Moscow’ (Pikhovshek 1996, 33–34). Another important reason for the rise of the ‘Brezhnev Clan’ was the relative independence of Dnipropetrovsk’s local administration from Kyiv. Because of the status of Dnipropetrovsk as a ‘strategically important centre for military industry,’ different branches of the local administration were under the direct supervision of Moscow, rather than Kyiv (Interviews with Tihipko, Markov and Bocharova). The Military Industrial Complex and Ruling Elite of Dnipropetrovsk The city of Dnipropetrovsk was the location of famous metallurgical and machine-building factories in pre-revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Union. Before 1941, Dnipropetrovsk became the most urbanised region of the Soviet Ukraine. Almost 53 per cent of this region’s population lived in 16 cities and towns of the region (Vasiliev 1977, 55; Bolebrukh 2001, 159–164). In 1980, the industrial enterprises of Dnipropetrovsk manufactured a significant part of the industrial products and customer goods for the Soviet Ukrainian Republic. A total of 5.4 per cent of steel, 9 per cent of rolled iron, 28 per cent of pipes, 62 per cent of combine beet-harvesters, 27.9 per cent of television sets, and 8.5 per cent of knitted wear in Ukraine were produced in the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Bolebrukh 2001, 219). After 1945, the main centre of economic and financial activities of the region and the city of Dnipropetrovsk became neither metallurgy nor mining. The new centre which changed the status of the region and of the city was a secret military factory in Dnipropetrovsk. The entire ideological and cultural situation in the region, and especially the city, depended on this one industrial plant which became the most important part of the Soviet military industrial complex. In July 1944, the State Committee of Defence in Moscow decided to build a large military machine-building factory in Dnipropetrovsk on the location of the pre-war aircraft plant. In December 1945, thousands of German prisoners of war began construction and built the first sections and shops of the new Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory (Markov, 1995). In 1947–1948 this factory produced its first cars and special military vehicles. However, on 9 May 1951 the USSR Council of Ministers decided to transform the main shops and sectors of this factory into ‘secret production’ which included not only special military vehicles, but also powerful rocket engines and different types of modern military aircraft. The former Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory was transferred to the Ministry of Armament of the USSR and received a new name – the State Union Plant #586 (Lukanov 1996, 12). Stalin introduced the organisation of special secret training of highly qualified engineers and scientists who were to become rocket construction specialists. He recommended the introduction of a new college degree at Dnipropetrovsk State University which would be a Master of Sciences in rocket construction. In 1952 the university administration formed a new department with the name ‘physical-technical faculty’ which was the largest department at the university, admitting on average four hundred students each year. These students received better accommodation and a higher stipend payment than students from other departments and colleges; the lowest stipend for this department was 450 roubles, while the highest stipend at another prestigious school, the Dnipropetrovsk Medical Institute, was only 180 roubles. A special commission from Moscow selected talented undergraduate students studying physics from engineering schools all over the USSR and sent them to the physical-technical department at Dnipropetrovsk State University, where they resumed their studies as rocket engineers. Simultaneously, the university administration announced the admission of new freshmen students in this department. The promise of a good stipend and a ‘romantic’ career of rocket engineer attracted thousands of talented young people to this ‘secret’ department, which provided training specialists for only the Dnipropetrovsk Automobile Factory (Horbulin 1998, 9, 62–63). In accordance with another decision of the Soviet government, in 1954 the administration of this automobile factory opened a secret design office with the name ‘Southern Construction Bureau’ (konstruktorskoe biuro Yuzhnoe). The main assignment of this office was to construct military missiles and rocket engines. Hundreds of talented physicists, engineers and machine designers moved from Moscow and other big cities in the Soviet Union to Dnipropetrovsk where they joined the konstruktorskoe biuro Yuzhnoe (KBYu). In 1965, the secret Plant #586 was transferred to the Ministry of General Machine-Building of the USSR and the next year it changed its name into the ‘Southern Machine-building Factory’ (Yuzhnyi mashino-stroitelnyi zavod) or simply Yuzhmash (in Ukrainian Pivdenmash). The first ‘General Constructor’ and head of the ‘Southern’ design office was Mikhail Yangel, a prominent scientist and outstanding designer of space rockets who led the design office and factory from 1954 to 1971. Yangel designed the first powerful rockets and space military equipment for the Soviet Ministry of Defence. Yangel worked with talented engineers who later became the leaders of military production in Dnipropetrovsk and the official directors of Pivdenmash. Two close collaborators of Yangel were the Pivdenmash directors Leonid Smirnov (1952–1961) and Aleksandr Makarov (1961–1986). Makarov’s successor was Leonid Kuchma, the Director General of the Pivdenmash in 1986–1992, who later became one of the most prominent political leaders in independent Ukraine and was and still is the only President of Ukraine (1994–2005) elected twice (Strazheva; Platonov and Horbulin; Romanov and Gubarev; Baikonur; Baikonur, Korolev, Yangel). In 1951 the Southern Machine-building Factory began manufacturing and testing new military rockets with an initial range of only 270 kilometres. By 1959 Soviet scientists and engineers developed new technologies, and as a result, the KBYu launched a new machine-building project producing ballistic missiles. Under Yangel, KBYu produced very powerful rocket engines which dramatically increased the range of ballistic missiles and from the 1960s, began to be used as launch vehicles for Soviet spaceships. Pivdenmash designed and manufactured four generations of missile complexes which included space launch vehicles Kosmos, Interkosmos, Tsyklon-2, Tsyklon-3 and Zenith. The KBYu created a unique space-rocket system called Energia-Buran and manufactured 400 technical devices which were launched as artificial satellites (Sputniks). For the first time in the world space industry, the Dnipropetrovsk missile plant produced space Sputniks. By the 1980s, Pivdenmash manufactured 67 different types of spaceships, 12 space research complexes and four defence space rocket systems. These systems were used not only for purely military purposes by the Ministry of Defence, but also for astronomical research, for global radio and television and for environmental monitoring. Pivdenmash initiated and sponsored the international space programme of Eastern European socialist countries, called Interkosmos. Twenty-two of the 25 automatic space Sputniks of this programme were designed, manufactured, and launched by engineers and workers from Dnipropetrovsk. Pivdenmash and KBYu became not only an important centre of the Soviet space industry and Soviet military industrial complex, but also the main rocket producer for the entire Soviet bloc. (Hall and Shayler 2001, 316ff; Siddiqi 2003, 97, 113, 114, 164, 177, 285) The military rocket systems manufactured in Dnipropetrovsk created the base for the Soviet Strategic Missile Forces (Dnepropetrovskii raketno 1994; Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 209–211, 229; Lukanov 1996, 13). On the eve of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, KBYu had nine regular and corresponding members of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, 33 full professors and 290 scientists holding a Ph.D. More than 50,000 people worked at Pivdenmash. Pivdenmash was ‘a state’ inside the Soviet state. In 1969, after a long competition with Moscow’s V. Chelomei Centre of Rocket Construction, Pivdenmash rocket designs won, and from then leaders of the Soviet military industrial complex preferred only Pivdenmash models. The Soviet state provided billions of Soviet roubles to finance Pivdenmash projects (Horbulin 1998, 6, 24–31). Officially, Pivdenmash also manufactured agricultural tractors and special kitchen equipment for everyday needs, such as mincing machines or juicers for Soviet households. In official reports and public information there were no details given about its production of rockets or spaceships. However, hundreds of thousands of workers and engineers in the city of Dnipropetrovsk were employees of this plant, and members of their families and therefore most local people knew about the ‘real production’ of Pivdenmash. Dnipropetrovsk as a KGB “Testing Ground” The Soviet government approved the KGB’s proposal to introduce the highest level of secrecy over Pivdenmash and its products. According to the Soviet government’s decision, the city of Dnipropetrovsk was officially closed to foreign visitors in 1959. No citizen of a foreign country (even Eastern European socialist) was allowed to visit the city or district of Dnipropetrovsk. From the late 1950s, Soviet people called Dnipropetrovsk ‘the rocket city’ or ‘closed city.’ (Bolebrukh 2001, 211). Members of the Brezhnev clan in the Moscow offices of the KGB and Ministry of Interior also contributed to centralised ideological control in Dnipropetrovsk, which especially influenced the KGB and security operations in the closed city. The local KGB office was always more Moscow-oriented, ignoring the interests of the authorities in Kyiv. At the same time, for Moscow officials who began their careers in Dnipropetrovsk, the city became the testing ground for many All-Union KGB campaigns which they attempted to initiate. Dnipropetrovsk KGB officers were ‘pioneers’ in the organisation of ideological campaigns which became ‘models’ for other ‘closed’ industrial Soviet cities. [This phrase – ‘pioneers of ideological campaigns’ – belongs to a local retired KGB officer. According to the KGB documents, Moscow’s representatives in the Dnipropetrovsk clan always interfered in local KGB business, imposing their own practices on the local officers.] (Igor T.; DADO, f. 19, op. 52, spr. 72, ark. 1–18) As a result, the inhabitants of Dnipropetrovsk experienced more ideological limitations and more brutal anti-Western campaigns than people in many other Soviet cities. Facing direct Kremlin supervision, the local KGB and KPSS ideologists sought to prove their ideological reliability and occasionally exaggerated the ‘threat from the capitalist West.’ KGB officers transformed one building in the Dnipropetrovsk Special Psychiatric Hospital (psikhushka), located in a town of Ihren (now a suburban district of Dnipro), into a special police facility for ‘political dissidents.’ All over the Soviet Union, Ihren psikhushka (especially its Section 9) became notorious and known as the worst incarceration for political prisoners. The Dnipropetrovsk KGB tested various drugs on prisoners and performed different medical experiments, treating the most ‘opinionated’ political dissidents as mentally sick patients. Many religious and civil rights activists and ‘bourgeois nationalists,’ such as national communist dissident Leonid Plyushch, described the Dnipropetrovsk Psychiatric Hospital as ‘mental hell’ because of its police system of harsh treatment and everyday humiliation (Plyushch 1979, 304–326, 340–349). Meanwhile, local KGB officers explained their harsh treatment of dissidents such as Plyushch as an ideological necessity to protect a strategically important centre of the Soviet military industrial complex (Igor T). Growth of the Population and Standards of Living in the Region The new status of the city brought more state investments and contributed to the overall improvement of the standard of living of its inhabitants. During the 1950s, the main sponsor of city improvements and renovations was the metallurgical industry. During the 1960s and 1970s, the space rocket industry and its biggest factory, Pivdenmash, sponsored all major city programmes, renovations and new architectural projects which included the sports palace Meteor with a large indoor pool, football team Dnipro, city airport, city theatre of opera and ballet, historical museum of Yavornitskii, department store ‘Children’s World,’ construction of thousands of modern apartments, libraries and movie-theatres, and celebrations of the 200th anniversary of the city of Dnipropetrovsk in 1976. (Bolebrukh 2001_,_ 211–212). Even the expansion and renovation of the Dnipropetrovsk Central Farmer Market (known as Oziorka) was supported by Pivdenmash as part of its improvement of the city’s life, and a reflection of the growth and strategic importance of the city. From 1958 to 1965 the city administration invested money in building a new covered location for the market and by 1970 they had re-built the entire neighbourhood transforming it into a modern and convenient place for the ‘socialist consumption of goods and services.’ (Lazebnik 2001, 167–185) As a result, the missile factory, the centre of the Soviet military industrial complex, contributed to a new level of cultural consumption among not only the city’s dwellers, but also among all guests of Dnipropetrovsk. Consequently, the pioneering efforts in the popularisation of new modern forms of Western music such as jazz and rock-n-roll also began among engineers and workers of Pivdenmash who contributed to the spread of new cultural forms and activities among those who lived in the city and region of Dnipropetrovsk. The improving living conditions in Dnipropetrovsk led to an increase of the regional population from 2,339,800 people (with a 56 per cent urban population) in 1951 to 2,850,700 (with a 72 per cent urban population) in 1961. The larger salaries and better distribution of food and industrial goods also attracted young people from other regions of the Soviet Union to Dnipropetrovsk. From the 1950s onward, most of the Dnipropetrovsk population were people younger than 30 years old. In 1970 there were 3,343,000 people in the region (76 per cent of who lived in cities) which by 1984 had increased to 3,771,200 people (with 83 per cent urban population). The population of the city of Dnipropetrovsk grew from 660,800 people in 1959 to 1,066,000 in 1979 and more than 1,153,400 people in 1985 when Gorbachev came to power (Glushkina 1985, 10, 11). The Dnipropetrovsk region had a young multinational, predominantly Russian speaking population. Three major ethnic groups shaped the cultural development of the region – Ukrainians, Russians, and Jews. During the peak of ‘international harmony and prosperity of developed socialism’ in 1979, Ukrainians made up the overwhelming majority of the regional (72.8 per cent) and urban (68.5 per cent) population. Due to massive emigration from the Soviet Union, the Jewish population decreased from 2.7 per cent in 1959 to 1.7 per cent in 1979 and 1.3 per cent in 1989. The number of Russians in the region’s population grew rapidly from 17.2 per cent in 1959, 20.9 per cent in 1970, 23 per cent in 1979 and 24.2 per cent in 1989 (O vozrastnoi structure 1971; Goskomstat USSR 1991, 100, 102). By 1985, more than a third of the population in the city of Dnipropetrovsk was ethnically Russian. If we add to this number the 3.2 per cent of Russian-speaking Jews and more than 33 per cent of Ukrainians who considered Russian their native language, we will have more than two thirds of the city’s population who associated themselves with Russian rather than with Ukrainian culture. According to contemporaries, the high salaries and better conditions of living attracted representatives of various nationalities from different republics who also spoke Russian rather than the Ukrainian language in Dnipropetrovsk (Goskomstat USSR 1991, 106, 108, 119, 122; Prudchenko and Smolenska 2007). Komsomol ‘Business’ During the Late Soviet Era The regional economic activities of local ‘businessmen and women’ from the Komsomol during perestroika had their roots in the pre-perestroika era. They also strengthened trends for independence from Moscow which had earlier existed in Dnipropetrovsk. All the elements of their initial business had already been developed during the Brezhnev era when the cultural consumption of late socialism combined the structures of Soviet international tourism with the ideological efforts of Komsomol activists into one business network. Mass rock and discotheque music consumption among Soviet youth was delivered by Komsomol and trade union apparatchiks. International tourism and discotheque enthusiasts provided these apparatchiks with music and video material for their entertainment business. Without these relations it would be impossible to imagine the development of post-Soviet capitalism. The first pioneers of organizing Komsomol business in the region were two graduates of Dnipropetrovsk Metallurgical Institute, the Ukrainian-Moldovan Sergiy Tihipko, the First Secretary of the Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol regional organization in 1986–91, and the Ukrainian Oleksandr Turchynov, who worked with Tihipko as head of the agitation and propaganda division in the same Komsomol regional organisation in 1987–90. Tihipko and Turchynov initiated and ‘ideologically justified’ the first Komsomol businesses in the region. Two other Komsomol members, who also graduated from the same institute as Tihipko and Turchynov, Kolomoyskyy and Viktor Pinchuk, both of Jewish origin, started their careers not in the official Komsomol business, but on the black market of Dnipropetrovsk, trading various goods, and using their financial and engineering skills for their own survival in the conditions of economic collapse of late socialism. Kolomoyskyy used his financial skills and connections with Tihipko to organize its own financial corporation Privatbank, which became the most successful bank in post-Soviet Ukraine. Pinchuk, using his engineering and managerial skills, founded his own metallurgical venture, entitled Interpipe Company. It is noteworthy that all four of those Komsomol members, two Ukrainian and two Jewish, used their personal connections through their friends and partners from Pivdenmash, including through its last director Leonid Kuchma, to start their first businesses in Dnipropetrovsk (see Golovko 2012). In the mid-1980s, when perestroika created favourable conditions for the managerial skills of Komsomol activists, this system produced new activities for cultural consumption, such as video salons which brought their organisers more profits than traditional discotheque clubs. The video business used the same infrastructure and network of the discotheque movement; namely international tourism, Komsomol activists, trade union leaders and the ‘discotheque mafia.’ This network contributed to the business career of two fans of Western popular music, Yulia Tymoshenko and her husband, Oleksandr (Popov, Milshtein, 55; Ponamarchuk). Yulia Grigian (Telegina) was the daughter of Armenian taxi-driver Grigian and Russian technical worker Telegina, a fan of British rock music. Yulia Grigian married Oleksandr Tymoshenko, son of a member of the city KPU committee in the Pivdenmash administration. In 1978, Yulia Tymoshenko joined the student Komsomol organization in the Department of Economy at Dnipropetrovsk State University. This department was opened on the initiative of the Pivdenmash administration in 1977 to provide training for qualified economists in Dnipropetrovsk’s growing military industrial complex. Yulia Tymoshenko graduated with honours from the Department of Economy in 1984 and began her first job as an engineer-economist through the connections of her father-in-law, Hennadii Tymoshenko. For five years, she worked at the Lenin machine building plant, another factory which belonged to the Soviet military industrial complex. In 1979, she gave birth to her daughter Yevhenia, and until 1988 she and her husband enjoyed a typical Soviet upper-middle class life in their one-bedroom cooperative apartment. They continued to watch movies, listen to Western pop music, and occasionally visited and danced in well-known discotheque clubs in downtown Dnipropetrovsk (Popov and Milshtein 2006, 64–67; Suvorov 1991). Perestroika changed the young Tymoshenko family. Hennadii Tymoshenko recommended his son and daughter-in-law to join the co-operative movement and promised his support through the city’s KPU and Soviet administration. In 1988, the young Tymoshenkos used their old connections in the Komsomol discothèque world to open a public service enterprise, a video-rental shop in Dnipropetrovsk, with 5,000 borrowed Soviet roubles. The profits made from this first venture were used to open a chain of video rental stores. They used the experience of Komsomol apparatchiks, who brought their first VCRs in Dnipropetrovsk through Sputnik. Contacts in the discotheque movement helped provide these apparatchiks with Western video tapes and an audience which was ready to consume new Western cultural products. Former discotheque enthusiasts tested these new business practices and proposed the idea of video salons, which had already become the most popular and fashionable form of entertainment Moscow and the three Baltic republics. As a result, during perestroika both the Komsomol and ‘discotheque mafia’ provided infrastructure for these salons in Dnipropetrovsk. When in 1987the KGB opened the city of Dnipropetrovsk to foreigners, Pivdenmash imported thousands of VCRs using barter agreements with South Korean businessmen. As a regional KPU apparatchik who oversaw the distribution of movies throughout the Dnipropetrovsk region (kinoprokat), Yulia Tymoshenko’s father-in-law had access not only to these Korean VCRs but also to local movie theatres which provided the first mass audience for video films. The main base of a Tymoshenko’s ‘video enterprise’ was the location of the former central Komsomol discotheque club of Dnipropetrovsk oblast– the Student Palace in the Taras Shevchenko Park of Culture and Relaxation in downtown Dnipropetrovsk (Popov and Milshtein 2006, 52–89; Ponamarchuk 2007). In 1989, she quit her old engineer-economist job and became the head of the Terminal co-operative. The same year, another participant in the ‘discotheque mafia,’ Serhiy Tihipko, was elected as the first secretary of the Komsomol organization of Dnipropetrovsk oblast. He not only supported Tymoshenko’s enterprise, but also brought his additional discotheque and Sputnik connections into Terminal. In this way, discotheque activists and Komsomol apparatchiks contributed to the growth and popularity of Tymoshenko’s business (Tihipko). In 1991 after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Soviet state tourism, the representatives of the Brezhnev era Komsomol elite, such as Tymoshenko demonstrated again that a skilful adjustment of this network to the new economic situation was an important foundation for success in post-Soviet business activities. The initial capital of Terminal, the music and video Komsomol enterprise which Tymoshenko had launched during ‘the discotheque era’ of late socialism, became the foundation of her business and political career in post-Soviet Ukraine. Epilogue: Dnipropetrovsk Komsomol Entrepreneurs and the Formation of Post-Soviet Oligarchs Political corruption in the post-Soviet geopolitical space is rooted in cultural consumption during the Brezhnev era, especially in the so-called ‘discotheque effect’ on society during the era of ‘mature socialism.’ During this period of late socialism in the USSR, millions of Soviet young people, loyal members of Komsomol, fell in love with the catchy sound of ‘beat music’ by the Beatles and hard rock by Deep Purple. Even ten years after dissolution of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet space was ruled by former Soviet hard rock fans, representatives of the so-called ‘Deep Purple generation,’ new post-Soviet politicians, such as Russian Prime-Minister Dmitri Medvedev, twice Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, President Petro Poroshenko and former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili. Paradoxically, détente in the 1970s led to the influx of Western cultural products into the USSR, such as popular music and feature films. As a result, Soviet ideologists, including the Komsomol, attempted to control Soviet consumption of cultural products from the West using ‘Komsomol discothèques’ where Soviet young people could dance to ‘ideologically permitted’ Soviet and Western music. Contemporaries called these organizers ‘disco mafia’ in the industrial cities of Eastern Ukraine. By the end of perestroika in 1991, more than 100 Komsomol businesses had emerged in industrial cities in Eastern Soviet Ukraine, of which more than ninety originated in the city of Dnipropetrovsk (Zhuk 2010, 301). Only a few of the most successful enterprises survived post-Soviet competition during the 1990s and created ‘new business corporations’ such as Yulia Tymoshenko’s ‘Gas Empire,’ Kolomoyskyy’s and Tihipko’s Privatbank, Aleksandr Balashov’s ‘Trade Corporation’ and Rinat Akhmetov’s Liuks. The overwhelming majority of these post-Soviet successful businesses were organised by or directly connected to the ‘disco mafia.’ At the same time, the first Dnipropetrovsk ‘capitalists’ demonstrated a wide range of ethnic backgrounds, from the Ukrainian Tihipko, Armenian-Russian Tymoshenko, Russian Balashov and Jewish Kolomoyskyy contributing to the multi-national identity of the city of Dnipropetrovsk and Dnipro. Some contemporaries noted how the business activities of Komsomol ‘entrepreneurs’ in the 1980s contributed to regional identity in Eastern Ukraine. Many of these ‘entrepreneurs’ who were not ethnic Ukrainians became active participants in the Ukrainian independence movement in 1988–1991 to protect their regional business interests rather than defending Ukrainian culture and language. In the 1990s, former members of the Soviet ‘discotheque mafia’ and their former KPU supervisors became an integral part of the business and political life of independent Ukraine. As leaders of oligarchic clans in Ukraine they have resisted Russian expansion into their ‘spheres of influence.’ The case of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, elected in April 2019, whose entire career was generated inside the Soviet-based system of television entertainment, continues to demonstrate the connection between ‘post-Komsomol‘ business and political careers. Zelenskyy began his acting career in 95-yi Kvartal, which was a reference to a neighbourhood in Kryvyy Rih, where he had grown up and was inspired by the 1960s Soviet television show KVN. As we see, the Dnipropetrovsk and Dnipro elites, who are still rooted in their Soviet past, play a significant role in the development of independent Ukraine. References Berkhoff, Karel C., (2004). Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine under Nazi Rule. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bolebrukh, Anatolii G. et al., eds., (2001). Dnipropetrovsk: vikhy istorii. Dnipropetrovsk: Grani. Derzhavnyy arkhiv Dnipropetrovskoyi oblasti (hereafter – DADO), f. 19, op. 52, spr. 72. Dnepropetrovskii raketno-kosmicheskii tsentr: Kratkii ocherk stanovlenia i razvitia. (1994). DAZ-YuMZ-KBYu: Khronika dat i sobytii. Dnipropetrovsk: YUMZ. Glushkina, Liudmila G. ed. (1985). Tsentral’noe Statisticheskoe Upravlenie Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti. Dnepropetrovshchina v tsifrakh. (K 40-letiu pobedy v Velikoi Otechestvennoi voine). Dnipropetrovsk: Gosstat. Golovko, Volodymyr. (2012). Ukrainski finasovo-promyslovi grupy v modernizatsiinykh protsesakh 1991-2009. Kyiv: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy. Goskomstat USSR. Dnepropetrovskoe oblatnoe upravlenie statistiki. (1991). Naselenie Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti po dannym Vsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia 1989 goda. Dnepropetrovsk: Gosstat. Hall, Rex, Shayler, David J. (2001). The Rocket Men: Vostok and Voskhod, the First Soviet Manned Spaceflights. Chichester, NJ: Springer. Horbulin, Volodymyr P. et al. eds. (1998). Zemni shlyakhy i zoryani orbity. Shtrykhy do portreta Leonida Kuchmy. Kyiv: DrUk. Kuznetskii, Mikhail I., Stazheva, Irina V. eds. (1995). Baikonur – chudo XX veka: Vospominania vevteranov Baikonura ob akademike Mikhaile Kuzmiche Yangele. Moscow: Kosmos. Kuznetskii, Mikhail I. ed. (1997). Baikonur, Korolev, Yangel. Voronezh: Kosmos. Lazebnik, Valentina I. (2001). G. A. Efimenko ed., Oziorka nasha: Istoricheskii ocherk o Dnepropetrovskom Tsentralnom rynke. Dnipropetrovsk: Grani. Lukanov, Yuriy. (1996). Tretii president: Politychnyi portret Leonida Kuchmy. Kyiv: Taki Spravy. Markov, Karlo A. (1995). Uchastie nemetskikh voennoplennykh i internirovannykh v vosstanovlenii narodnogo khoziaistva Dnepropetrovskoi oblastiv pervye polevoennye gody. Voprosy Germanskoi istorii: Ukrainsko-nemetskie sviazi v novoe i noveishee vremia. Mezhvuzovskii sbornik nauchnykh trudov, In: Svetlana Bobyliova, ed., Dnipropetrovsk: DDU, 158–172. Mlechin, Leonid M. (2005). Brezhnev. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Nahaylo, Bohdan. (1999). The Ukrainian Resurgence. Toronto: Hurst. O vozrastnoi structure, urovne obrazovania, natsional’nom sostave, iazykakh i istochnikakh sredstv sushchestvovania naselenia Dnepropetrovskoi oblasti po dannym Vsessoiuznoi perepisis naselenia na 15 ianvaria 1970 goda. (1971). Dneprovskaia Pravda, June 26. Pikhovshek, Vyacheslav, et al., eds. (1996). ‘Dnipropetrovska simya’: Informatsia stanom na 25 lystopada 1996 roku. Kyiv: Ukrainian Centre for Independent Political Research. Pikhovshek, Vyacheslav et al. Eds. (1996). Dnipropetrovsk vs. Security Service. Kyiv: Lybed. Platonov, Vitalii P. and Horbulin, Volodymyr.P. (1979). Mykhaylo K. Yangel. Kyiv: Nauka. Plyushch, Leonid. (1979). History’s Carnival: A Dissident’s Autobiography. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Ponamarchuk, Dmytro. (2007). Prosto Yulia. Izvestia, September 20. Popov, Dmitrii, and Milshtein, Ilia. (2006). Oranzhevaia printsessa. Zagadka Yulii Timoshenko. Moscow: Izdatel’stvo Ol’gi Morozovoi. Romanov, Aleksandr P., Gubarev, Vladimir S. (1989). Konstruktory. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Siddiqi, Asif A. (2003). Sputnik and the Soviet Space Challenge. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Elberg-Wilson, Eliot. (2016). ‘Eduard Artem’iev and the Sonics of National Identity,’ Slovo, 28, 2: 2–25. Strazheva, Irina V. (1978). Tiulpany s kosmodroma. Moscow: Molodaia gvardia. Vasiliev, I. V. et al. eds. (1977). Istoria gorodov i siol Ukrainskoi SSR v 26-ti tomakh: Dnepropetrovskaia oblast. Kyiv: Glavnaia redaktsia Ukrainskoi Sovestskoi Entsiklopedii. Vosstanovlenie Pridneprovia (1946–1950). (1980). Dokumenty i materially. Kyiv: Nauka. Wilson, Andrew. (2000). The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press Zhuk, Sergei. (2004). Russia’s Lost Reformation: Peasants, Millennialism and Radical Sects in Southern Russia and Ukraine, 1830–1917. Baltimore, MD & Washington D.C: Johns Hopkins University Press and Woodrow Wilson Centre Press. Zhuk, Sergei (2010). Rock and Roll in the Rocket City: The West, Identity, and Ideology in Soviet Dniepropetrovsk, 1960–1985. Baltimore, MD & Washington D.C: Johns Hopkins University Press and Woodrow Wilson Centre Press. **Interviews**Igor T., KGB officer, 15 May 1991, Dnipropetrovsk. Karlo A. Markov, 12 April 1992, Dnipropetrovsk State University. Mikhail Suvorov, 1 June 1991, Dnipropetrovsk. Natalia V. Bocharova, 15 March 1993, Dnipropetrovsk State University. Sergiy Tihipko, director of Privatbank in Dnipropetrovsk, 12 October 1993, Dnipropetrovsk. Yevhen D. Prudchenko and Halyna V. Smolenska, 18 July 2007, Central Library of Dnipropetrovsk oblast, Dnipropetrovsk. Notes [1] I used also numerous interviews conducted with my relatives, who are ethnic Ukrainians, but live in Moscow, Russia, who still support Russian President Vladimir Putin’s anti-Ukrainian politics. [2] Sovnarkhoz is abbreviated from Russian Sovet narodnogo khoziaistva, an economic department in the Soviet government during the early Stalin era and during Khrushchev’s reforms.

Nov 14 • 7:58 AM EST • Politics • e-ir.org

Chris Rabb stays neutral on controversial bike protest against Jewish businesses, earning criticism from John Fetterman

“I heard some awful things in some of the videos from counter-protesters. I also heard people who were hurting because they were triggered by the timing of the bike ride," Rabb told CBS.

Nov 13 • 2:07 PM EST • Politics • inquirer.com

Stephen Miller’s Zombie Politics

Miller’s ideology may be dead, but thanks to his big promotion, it carries on like a reanimated corpse.

Nov 13 • 7:00 AM EST • Politics • jewishcurrents.org

The science of gossip: Here's what it does to your brain and why we can't get enough

Gossip may have a bad reputation, but research suggests it activates the brain's reward system, strengthens social bonds and can even help relieve stress; neuroscience explains why we find it so irresistible, while Jewish tradition warns of the damage it can cause

Nov 11 • 12:51 PM EST • Science • ynetnews.com

Aviva Helfand, 74, OBM

Aviva Helfand, a beloved member of the Long Beach, CA Jewish community, known for her memorable meals and warm hospitality, passed away on Erev Shabbos, Parshas Vayera, 19 Cheshvan 5787.

Nov 10 • 8:27 PM EST • Technology • collive.com

Anti-Israel socialist silent on Jewish business boycott in district he's set to represent

Christopher Rabb, a democratic socialist elected in the Blue Wave, stayed silent as Democrats condemned a Jewish business boycott in Philadelphia.

Nov 10 • 2:02 PM EST • Business • foxnews.com

Counterprotesters overwhelm activists targeting Jewish businesses Sunday

5 key moments at the clashing rallies in the heart of Philadelphia this weekend

Nov 9 • 4:37 PM EST • Business • deseret.com

Philadelphia Anti-Israel bike protesters met with boos, support for Jewish businesses

Since the protesters’ intentions became public knowledge, the outpouring of support from not only the Jewish community but beyond was overwhelming.

Nov 9 • 3:43 PM EST • Business • jpost.com

From Tel Aviv to Riyadh: How US firm Greenberg Traurig navigates Israel, Gulf relations

Greenberg Traurig chairman Richard Rosenbaum discusses the firm's ties to Israel and the Gulf, its Jewish roots, and efforts to combat antisemitism.

Nov 9 • 2:27 PM EST • Business • jpost.com

Anti-Israel protesters target Jewish-owned businesses in Philadelphia

Mac Mart Cart owner Marti Lieberman discusses the community support her business received after being named in a Philadelphia anti-Israel protest flyer on 'America's Newsroom.'

Nov 9 • 11:24 AM EST • Business • foxnews.com

How One Diamond Helped Build a 100-Year Detroit Business

Four generations of the Rosenhaus family celebrate Uniland Corporation's 100th anniversary and a century of building Detroit communities.

Nov 9 • 10:06 AM EST • Business • thejewishnews.com

Getting a peloton of pushback: Bikers targeting Philly Jewish businesses draw massive opposition

Counterprotesters turned out in force against the demonstration, with Israeli flags filling Rittenhouse Square and hundreds lining up to support targeted restaurants.

Nov 8 • 4:03 PM EST • Business • cityandstatepa.com

Protesters clash in Rittenhouse over boycott of Jewish businesses

Hundreds of people crowded the streets near Rittenhouse Square, mostly in opposition to a heavily criticized bike ride protest boycotting Jewish-owned businesses there. | KYW Newsradio

Nov 8 • 2:16 PM EST • Business • audacy.com

Philadelphia biker protest targets Jewish-owned businesses over Israel support

Nov 8 • 2:01 PM EST • Business • usatoday.com

The billion-dollar business of being Jewish

Jewish philanthropy must stop confusing money raised, conferences held, and social-media reach with meaningful impact on Jewish life.

Nov 8 • 2:00 PM EST • Business • jpost.com

Bicycle 'boycott ride' targeting Jewish-owned businesses in Philadelphia draws hundreds of counterprotesters

A bicycle

Nov 8 • 1:38 PM EST • Business • ksl.com

Bicycle 'boycott ride' targeting Jewish-owned businesses in Philadelphia draws hundreds of counterprotesters

A bicycle

Nov 8 • 1:38 PM EST • Business • ksltv.com

Philadelphia protest targeting Jewish-owned businesses condemned by leaders

Critics have pointed out that the event falls the day before the anniversary of Kristallnacht, though organizers say the timing is coincidental.

Nov 8 • 1:22 PM EST • Business • usatoday.com

'Bike boycott' targeting Jewish businesses meets massive counter-protests in Rittenhouse Square

Tensions ran high in Rittenhouse Square on Sunday as a planned "bike boycott" targeting Jewish-owned businesses was met with an overwhelming counter-demonstration, drawing massive crowds of patrons who lined the streets.

Nov 8 • 1:20 PM EST • Business • fox29.com

Philly 'Kristallnacht' protests at Jewish-owned businesses drowned out, shouted down by huge crowds

Nov 8 • 12:46 PM EST • Business • nypost.com

Boycott Bike Ride: Pro-Palestinian protest targets Jewish-owned restaurants near Rittenhouse Square

A flyer posted to social media by organizers shows the names of the six Jewish-owned restaurants circled in red and crossed out.

Nov 8 • 12:41 PM EST • Business • 6abc.com

How I would spend $1 billion on the future of Israel and world Jewry

After elections in Israel and America, a three-year pilot could turn concern for the Jewish world into political responsibility.

Nov 8 • 11:35 AM EST • Politics • jpost.com

Jewish business owner Yehuda Sichel speaks out against targeted antisemitic boycott

Huda Burger owner Yehuda Sichel joins 'Fox & Friends Weekend' to discuss an anti-Israel organization's planned boycott of Jewish-owned businesses in Philadelphia.

Nov 8 • 11:24 AM EST • Business • foxnews.com

Advocacy groups voice concerns over a planned protest targeting Jewish-owned businesses

Advocacy groups are resisting a planned bike boycott of Jewish-owned businesses in Philadelphia.

Nov 7 • 11:56 PM EST • Business • 6abc.com

NY leaders decry boycott bike ride targeting Jewish businesses in Philadelphia

Dubbed the “Boycott Ride,” organized by a group called Philly Biking on The Left, the protest will target six eateries in Rittenhouse Square in Philly’s Center City district, including a mac ’n’ cheese place, a burger bistro and a vegan fal…

Nov 7 • 4:18 PM EST • Business • nydailynews.com

Officials condemn planned boycott of Jewish-owned businesses as antisemitic

State and local leaders have strongly condemned a protest planned for this weekend in Philadelphia that targets Jewish-owned businesses, calling it antisemitic and unacceptable.

Nov 7 • 12:47 PM EST • Business • wisn.com

Officials condemn planned boycott of Jewish-owned businesses as antisemitic

State and local leaders have strongly condemned a protest planned for this weekend in Philadelphia that targets Jewish-owned businesses, calling it antisemitic and unacceptable.

Nov 7 • 12:47 PM EST • Business • wmur.com

Officials condemn planned boycott of Jewish-owned businesses as antisemitic

State and local leaders have strongly condemned a protest planned for this weekend in Philadelphia that targets Jewish-owned businesses, calling it antisemitic and unacceptable.

Nov 7 • 12:47 PM EST • Business • wlwt.com

Officials condemn planned boycott of Jewish-owned businesses as antisemitic

State and local leaders have strongly condemned a protest planned for this weekend in Philadelphia that targets Jewish-owned businesses, calling it antisemitic and unacceptable.

Nov 7 • 12:47 PM EST • Business • wbaltv.com

New billboards urge people to ‘boycott the boycott' of Jewish-owned businesses

New billboards are appearing across Philadelphia in response to a planned boycott of Jewish-owned restaurants in the city.

Nov 7 • 12:13 PM EST • Business • nbcphiladelphia.com

Nithya Raman to Take Charge in LA Amid Homeless Crisis and Political Division

LOS ANGELES (AP) — In her bid for Los Angeles mayor, Nithya Raman ran as an outsider. The democratic socialist didn’t win a single endorsement from her 14 colleagues on the city council. The police union opposed her, she had friction with the Jewish community and the Democratic establishment lined ...

Nov 7 • 9:55 AM EST • Politics • usnews.com

Jewish-owned businesses in Rittenhouse Square targeted by bike protest, drawing opposition from city and religious leaders

The social media stir comes from groups with no recognizable leader calling for a boycott of Jewish-owned restaurants in and around Rittenhouse Square.

Nov 6 • 6:23 PM EST • Business • whyy.org

Boycott in Philadelphia is targeting these Jewish, Israeli-owned spots

Nov 6 • 1:06 PM EST • Business • usatoday.com

Celebrity News: Ghost Soldier, Zoë Kravitz and Walter Koenig

Jewish Celebrity News spotlights Zoë Kravitz in How to Rob a Bank, Olivia Thirlby in Ghost Soldier and the Jewish legacy of Star Trek's Walter Koenig.

Nov 6 • 5:00 AM EST • Entertainment • thejewishnews.com

Philadelphia leaders condemn boycott ride aimed at Jewish businesses in Rittenhouse Square

Philadelphia leaders condemn a planned boycott ride targeting Jewish-owned businesses in Rittenhouse Square, with police prioritizing safety and accountability.

Nov 5 • 9:36 PM EST • Business • fox29.com

Officials condemn planned Philadelphia boycott of Jewish-owned businesses as antisemitic

State and local leaders have strongly condemned a protest planned for this weekend in Philadelphia that targets Jewish-owned businesses, calling it antisemitic and unacceptable.

Nov 5 • 7:06 PM EST • Business • cnn.com

Oregon was once a Republican stronghold. This politician started shifting the balance in 1954

For much of the first half of the 20th century, Oregon was effectively a one-party Republican state. Democrats had not won a U.S. Senate seat in 40 years, had not won a U.S. House seat in 18 years, and had controlled the state legislature for only four of 74 years since 1880. Into this landscape emerged Richard Neuberger, a Portland-born journalist of Jewish heritage whose prolific writing career, progressive convictions and remarkable personal drive would reshape Oregon politics.

Nov 5 • 9:00 AM EST • Politics • opb.org

Heichal HaTorah Talmidim Experiment in the Science Lab

This past week, Heichal HaTorah’s ninth-grade biology students learned how to use indicators to test the pH levels of common household solutions. Students observed a wide range of colors as natural plant-based pigments (anthocyanins) in red cabbage juice reacted with acids and bases in everyday substances. Students made predictions and determined whether a substance was […]

Nov 5 • 7:49 AM EST • Science • jewishlink.news

'These businesses must disappear': Philadelphia protest targets Jewish-owned shops ahead of Kristallnacht anni

Pro-Palestinian groups plan cycling protest targeting 6 Jewish- and Israeli-owned businesses, drawing condemnation from US senators and Jewish groups; event, scheduled on eve of Kristallnacht anniversary, raises fears of antisemitism under guise of political activism

Nov 4 • 2:51 PM EST • Business • ynetnews.com

Philly anti-Israel groups plan boycott of Jewish businesses before Kristallnacht anniversary

The graphic explicitly singles out several dining locations in the city, displaying crossed-out warning icons over the names Mac Mart, K'Far Cafe, Huda, Goldie, Dizengoff, and Schlesinger's.

Nov 4 • 2:03 PM EST • Business • jpost.com

Israel’s Coalition Politics Are More Complicated Than Identity

The idea that Israel’s Jewish opposition parties can join forces with Arab parties to remove Netanyahu overlooks fundamental disagreements that make such a coalition difficult to form, let alone sustain....

Nov 4 • 10:52 AM EST • Politics • fdd.org

The German Makkabi sports club where Muslims outnumber Jews

When they sweat it out at a big German sports club, Jewish, Muslim and other athletes are also sending a strong signal against rising antisemitism, the...

Nov 2 • 9:02 PM EST • Sports • afp.com

Herzog honors JFNA fund that provided $240m. in loans to Israeli businesses

JFNA established the Israel Small Business Loan Fund in the months following October 7, 2023, as part of its Israel Emergency Campaign, which ultimately raised more than $900m. A Jewish Federations of...

Oct 31 • 5:33 PM EDT • Business • yahoo.com

Florida education chief defends science plan

Education Commissioner Henry Mack pushed back Tuesday against criticism that Florida is de-emphasizing evolution in its new plan for teaching science, insisting the state is still covering a subject he agreed was a bedrock of biological science.“Evolutionary biology and the theory of evolution is in the standards,” Mack said. But several parents and teachers who attended an evening forum on the state’s proposed science standards criticized the proposal by the Florida Department of Education, which Mack runs, specifically the handling of evolutionary science.Joshua Garrett, a teacher in Orange County Public Schools, said the state’s proposed standards “danced around” evolution.State standards are benchmarks for what students should learn in their classes kindergarten through 12th grade, guiding what lessons are taught, what subjects are in state-approved textbooks and what concepts are tested on state exams.Florida’s current science standards call evolution a “big idea” and “the fundamental concept underlying all of biology.”The proposed ones barely mention evolution — a scientific theory explaining change in living species over time from natural selection that has been a cornerstone of biology for more than a century. The term “evolution,” in fact, is never defined in the new high school life sciences standards, though the concepts are sprinkled across several units.The education department has made revisions to its proposal, officials said, but it was not immediately clear at the Tuesday forum, held at Lake Buena Vista High School in southwest Orange County, what those changes were.Mack interjected during Garrett’s comments asking him where specifically he wanted the state to mention evolution more prominently. Then he said, “Consider it done.”Mack also asked Garrett to join the state’s faculty committee on the standards.The state released the new standards in September, and several experts quickly criticized them, saying they lacked depth and skirted around both evolution and climate change, important topics for Florida students to learn.The state has since hosted a “listening tour,” including a virtual forum and two other in-person meetings in Walton and Hillsborough counties. Tuesday’s meeting drew a small crowd of about 30 people, six of whom spoke.Mack described the state’s public forums as a chance for “myth busting” and to make clear Florida’s position.He wants to students to learn “above ideology,” he said, and added that evolution isn’t settled science. TNCMS.AdManager.render({region: 'fixed-big-ad-middle-asset', slot: 1, fold: "span"}); “I want to cultivate skeptics in the healthy sense of that term. As a result of these standards, students should not be walking away convinced of anything other than the rigor of the scientific method,” Mack said.The new standards would replace the current set, adopted after a monthslong, statewide fight over the inclusion of evolution as a required subject of study. Those who opposed the 2008 standards argued creationism, or the biblical story that God created all living things, should be taught alongside evolution.Thomas Simon, a Winter Park parent, compared Florida adopting the new standards to Nazi Germany ignoring the findings of Jewish scientists — which in part lost them World War II.“If this board could explicitly name communism in the history standards last year — because words matter — you must explicitly name the foundations of modern medicine, agriculture, and energy,” Simon said.Florida last year adopted new standards that require students learn about the “dangers and evil of communism.”Teri O’Connor, an elementary science teacher in Orange County, urged Mack to curtail the total number of standards, as they list more than 1,000 benchmarks teachers are to cover during their classes.“It’s only 180 days of school. That right there is an issue, especially if you want to dive in. If we need to teach the rigor of it and to critically think about each one, that’s difficult,” she said.Kathleen Murray, who spoke on behalf of the conservative political group Citizens Defending Freedom, said she was in “strong support” of the proposed standards. Science should teach children how to think, not what to think, she said.“When teaching the origins of life and the universe, the curriculum owes it to the Florida students to be honest about the limits of what scientific models can actually prove,” Murray said.State education officials said they’d received about 1,800 comments on the benchmarks, and they have updated them based on that criticism.With Tuesday the state’s final scheduled public forum, Mack said his biggest takeaway was that the standards needed to be more explicit about teaching students how to evaluate scientific studies and evidence and how to understand the scientific method.“We might have to do a better job of helping students question more as a result of these standards,” he said.In his original statement when the standards were announced in September, Mack wrote in a social media post that “science begins in wonder, not in ideology,” and “the classical tradition taught that nature is intelligible because it is ordered — that the book of creation can be read by reason.”Some read that to mean he was trying to interject religion into public school education. TNCMS.AdManager.render({region: 'fixed-big-ad-bottom-asset', slot: 1, fold: "below"});

Oct 31 • 7:00 AM EDT • Science • avpress.com

Difficult negotiations lie ahead in Israel after Netanyahu's bloc lost its parliamentary majority

Israel's final election results confirmed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies lost their parliamentary majority and that weeks of difficult negotiations among very different parties, from ultra-Orthodox Jewish to secular to Arab-led, lie ahead.

Oct 30 • 11:23 AM EDT • Politics • pbs.org

How Jewish teens in Colorado are finding their political voices before they can vote

Whether volunteering for candidates or speaking up about antisemitism, students say they don’t need a vote to make a difference.

Oct 30 • 10:00 AM EDT • Politics • jta.org

Celebrity News: Tootsie Rolls, SCTV Documentary and The Only Pickpocket

Explore the Jewish history of Tootsie Rolls, Netflix's new SCTV documentary and Noah Segan's latest film starring John Turturro and Jamie Lee Curtis.

Oct 30 • 6:00 AM EDT • Entertainment • thejewishnews.com

The politics of war

Israel went to the polls last Tuesday and it is the turn of the United States next Tuesday. The differences in the two elections are self-evident. Compared with the US, which has favourable geography and does everything at scale, Israel is tiny and part of an unstable region. For its elections, it has adopted an almost pure form of proportional representation based on lists. This encourages multiple parties and can make it almost impossible to form a government, as we can now see. The US system is complex in its own way but discourages third parties. Yet for all the differences in size, geography, and political systems, the fates of the two countries are closely connected. Israel has come to depend on the US to sustain its military strength, and over the past few tumultuous years that dependence has created resentment in the United States. The Biden administration was punished for appearing to give Netanyahu a blank check after the Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023, and not holding Israel back as it employed ruthless tactics in Gaza. Because of the treatment of Palestinians, American views of Israel have grown progressively more negative over the past few years. Only a third now support the Israeli government. While on the left, this is largely because of how Israeli forces have operated in Gaza and, more recently, how the settler movement has behaved in the West Bank, for the American right the issue has been about how Benjamin Netanyahu persuaded Donald Trump to forget his wariness about more Middle Eastern wars and agree to a joint attack on Iran, which has gone badly wrong. The Palestine question was not a big issue for the two large Jewish blocs in last Tuesday’s election. Both supported a tough response to Hamas after October 2023 and neither accepts a two-state solution. It was, however, the threat posed by the ethno-nationalist policies of Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, the two extreme members of Netanyahu’s coalition, and their tolerance, even encouragement, of settler violence, that brought out the Arab voters. (In principle this should strengthen their position though to turn into real power would require the ‘Change Bloc’ overcoming their opposition to involving Arab parties. The alternatives are a National Unity government, defection from the Change Bloc to Netanyahu, or deadlock and another round of elections in the new year.) There was also broad support for the war against Iran among the Jewish parties. The difficulty here is that the objectives behind the war have yet to be met, and that continuing with military operations depends on the United States. In this way the two elections have come together at a crucial moment. If Netanyahu hoped that a victory over Iran would help him retain his majority, cementing his legacy as an Israeli war leader, it did not work out that way. Trump also expected a great victory about which he could boast. He promised at most the end of a hateful and aggressive regime, with a record of hostility to both the United States and Israel, or at least the elimination of Iran’s military capabilities and the end of its nuclear programme. Eight months on, there is not much to boast about; vital objectives remain elusive: the Iranian regime is even more hardline than before; the international economy is barely coping with the closure of the Strait of Hormuz; and Saudi Arabia is struggling with an unwanted conflict with the Yemeni Houthis. For all these reasons, the Iran War has been a dark cloud hanging over both elections. Yet the issue has been approached in different ways. Netanyahu sought to push the issue before the election while Trump has been more cautious. Trump’s essential claim is that there is nothing to worry about and he’s still working out what final steps need to be taken to provide a definitive conclusion to the conflict. Netanyahu’s final pitch was that there was lots to worry about. He focused on Israel’s dire security situation, with the Iran War unfinished and the prospect of imminent economic isolation because of international sanctions. For him it is imperative to defeat Iran decisively, and without delay. Why this different response to the same war? Part of the answer lies in how public opinion in the two countries responded to the war. In this post, I show how this came about. We await the outcome of the US midterms but know the result, at least in terms of the share of the vote if not yet the shape of the new government, of the Israeli election. With the elections out of the way Netanyahu is pressing for another round in the war. Trump is less sure. I conclude with thoughts on the importance of how he decides.

Oct 30 • 5:22 AM EDT • Politics • samf.substack.com

The Israel debate reshaping Jewish American politics

“There are plenty of people who believe, as I do, that Israel has a right to protect itself,” says David to Lauren, both pictured below, over the dinner table. Subscribe “How does starving children protect Israel?” she replies. “I don’t think Israel is intentionally starving children.” “It’s a little bit absurd to be sitting here talking about all of these very specific things,” Lauren says, “as opposed to looking at the totality of him as a candidate, and the 90% of things that you agree with him on.” This is a snapshot from a conversation between a Jewish father and daughter in Michigan ahead of the crucial Senate race. Lauren supports the Democratic candidate, Abdul El-Sayed. Her father is undecided. That is mainly because of El-Sayed’s stance on Israel, one that mirrors a growing wing of the party that has become critical of the US-Israel relationship following the war in Gaza. You’re reading FourSight, a newsletter from Channel 4 News’ expert journalists explaining the complexities of the biggest global stories Could that alienate Jewish American voters who have a strong connection to Israel - and the majority of whom have voted Democratic? A shifting stance on Israel “An ally that takes your money to push you into wars you shouldn’t be fighting is not an ally,” El-Sayed recently told ABC News, referring to the Iran war and how some Americans believe that Israel pushed President Trump into the conflict. Foreign policy has become an economic issue that’s hitting Americans’ pockets, with the soaring cost of petrol and diesel. El-Sayed, pictured below, has opposed military aid for Israel and accused the nation of genocide in Gaza. That led to the pro-Israel lobby group, AIPAC, funding his opponent, Hayley Stevens, to the tune of $30m during the Democratic primary here. “I frequently criticise AIPAC because I think the way that they are pouring dollars into defeating Abdul and others around the country… is really corrosive to American democracy,” Brad Lander says at a canvassing event in Detroit. Lander, a Jewish Democratic congressional candidate in New York, is an ally of Mayor Zohran Mamdani and has come to campaign for El-Sayed. “Democrats and Americans don’t want to keep paying for Netanyahu’s wars,” he says. “They want a reset in the US relationship with Israel.” The 2026 election has clearly been a bruising one for AIPAC; the Wall Street Journal reported that, in an unpublished letter, the group described the cycle as one of the “most challenging environments in recent memory”. Share And significantly, after the midterms, the group will stop direct contributions to candidates through one of its political action committees. Voters’ concerns We followed a group of Jewish canvassers around one suburb in Detroit. They think that among the 130,000 Jewish voters in Michigan, between 20 and 30,000 are undecided. In a swing state where El-Sayed beat his primary rival by just 13,000, that could prove pivotal. We meet one voter, Jen Friedman, pictured below, who has a “Democrats for Rogers” sign, referring to the Republican candidate. The issue of Israel is very important to her because “having a safe haven is crucial”, she tells me. “What I see is one candidate, Mike Rogers, who is associating himself with people who are very proudly American,” says Jen. “Abdul, on the other hand, is associating with people who say they are anti-American.” Friedman raises two issues. Firstly, Hasan Piker, a left-wing streamer who has campaigned alongside El-Sayed and has been criticised for his comments on the US and Israel. [ ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/who-is-hasan-piker-the-socialist) [ Why Hasan Piker thinks the US needs a socialist Trump ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/who-is-hasan-piker-the-socialist) Anushka Asthana · Aug 19 [ Read full story ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/who-is-hasan-piker-the-socialist) The other concern regards an attack on a Michigan synagogue back in March. The FBI said the man was inspired by Hezbollah and had lost relatives in an Israeli airstrike on Lebanon. El-Sayed condemned the antisemitic attack, but also said “hurt people hurt people”. That upset many here, with El-Sayed apologising numerous times for his choice of language. Jews for Abdul As we follow the canvassers, there are still plenty of lawn signs supporting El-Sayed. Elissa Driker, pictured below, runs out of her house wearing a “Jews for Abdul” t-shirt. “I feel like the values that Abdul has align with how I live my Judaism,” she tells me. She says “Abdul is not Hasan Piker, so I don’t conflate them”. I ask why Piker keeps coming up. “It gets weaponised. I don’t know if you watched the debate the other night, but talk about… weaponising fear and weaponising anxiety and all that Islamophobic dog-whistling that was coming towards Abdul.” I also talk to Elissa about how Americans more broadly appear to be questioning the US-Israel relationship and whether American Jews were ready to do that too. “A lot of American Jews are. My experience is absolutely the tide is turning.” For the first time, Gallup found this year that Americans now sympathise more with the Palestinians than the Israelis. In another poll of Jewish American voters, 65% said they were pro-Israel but also critical of Israeli government policies, 52% support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel. Father and daughter Back at the dinner table, I bring up those polls with David Fink. Why does he think Americans sympathise less with Israelis? [ ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/how-support-for-israel-in-us-is-declining) [ How support for Israel in US is declining ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/how-support-for-israel-in-us-is-declining) Kiran Moodley · May 4 [ Read full story ](https://channel4news.substack.com/p/how-support-for-israel-in-us-is-declining) “Because the news media and the extremes of both parties are so willing to tell what I think is a false narrative.” Lauren chimes in: “Do you really think the actions of Israel have nothing to do with the shift in the sympathies?” “I think that’s very relevant,” he replies. “I just don’t think that people really have a full understanding.” Lauren again: “It sounds like you’re saying that the shift is due to how the atrocities are being described, as opposed to what the actual atrocities are.” “There have been some things that shouldn’t have happened,” David says. “I think the polling is being driven by politicians who are taking advantage of this issue.” Lauren then asks, “I’m curious what your response would be if my children were killed in an Israeli airstrike and someone said there have been some things that shouldn’t have happened?” A long pause from her father. “Any reference to my grandchildren has a very deep emotional impact on me. Well done,” he says. “I have an empathy for any civilian in war and I don’t mean to belittle those losses. The loss of any one life is a horrible thing. But it doesn’t make it a war crime and it doesn’t make it genocide.” Lauren and David cannot agree but tell me how proud they are of one another for sticking to their convictions and for agreeing to let me sit in on their conversation. I cannot thank them enough for their time, and hope their honesty informs and educates many people during such a fraught election. Abdul El-Sayed: The candidate testing the US - Israel relationship Thanks for reading our latest FourSight newsletter. Subscribe to receive free weekly newsletters from Channel 4 News. Subscribe Share Channel 4 News Leave a comment

Oct 29 • 8:01 AM EDT • Politics • channel4news.substack.com

Political homelessness: How the Michigan Senate race divided the Jewish community

The high-stakes race caused a rift among Jewish voters unhappy with Abdul El-Sayed

Oct 29 • 6:00 AM EDT • Politics • deseret.com

Netanyahu and top rival face postelection choices that could redefine Israeli politics

Israelis are deep in political uncertainty as they await final election results. There's a possibility of Jewish and Arab parties forming a coalition to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Final

Oct 28 • 3:49 PM EDT • Politics • 2news.com

Netanyahu and top rival face postelection choices that could redefine Israeli politics

Israelis are deep in political uncertainty as they await final election results. There's a possibility of Jewish and Arab parties forming a coalition to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Final

Oct 28 • 3:49 PM EDT • Politics • union-bulletin.com

Netanyahu and top rival face postelection choices that could redefine Israeli politics

Israelis are deep in political uncertainty as they await final election results. There's a possibility of Jewish and Arab parties forming a coalition to unseat Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Final

Oct 28 • 3:49 PM EDT • Politics • cbs19news.com

Adamah Teaches Science and Torah of Bees

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Oct 28 • 10:37 AM EDT • Science • atlantajewishtimes.com

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Oct 28 • 6:00 AM EDT • Technology • cnn.com

Anti-Israel political ad sparks backlash, accusations of antisemitism

Republican Jewish Coalition National Political Director Sam Markstein says the pro-Abdul El-Sayed ad is "rage bait."

Oct 27 • 4:04 PM EDT • Politics • foxnews.com

Michigan Senate Race Drives Anxiety Among Jewish and Muslim Voters

More than elsewhere in the country, U.S. policy toward Israel is at the forefront of the race between Mike Rogers and Abdul El-Sayed.

Oct 27 • 11:56 AM EDT • Politics • nytimes.com

Adam Brody’s ‘Nobody Wants This’ costar speaks out after actor’s pro-Palestine comments

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Oct 26 • 2:35 PM EDT • Entertainment • ew.com

Modi Rosenfeld, Jackie Goldschneider to headline Jewish entertainment panel

JOIN Israel will bring together Jewish entertainment professionals on Nov. 12 to discuss identity, representation and stereotypes while raising funds for elderly Israelis in need.

Oct 26 • 7:27 AM EDT • Entertainment • jns.org

Board of Deputies of British Jews declares Greens to be racist party

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Oct 25 • 2:05 PM EDT • Politics • bbc.com

Republican 'Muslim Brotherhood' attacks on El-Sayed in Michigan seek to exploit Democratic fault lines

Pollsters, political strategists say the approach is aimed at dissuading Jewish and Black voters who backed El-Sayed's primary opponent, Haley Stevens

Oct 23 • 10:20 AM EDT • Politics • detroitnews.com

Israel on the ballot: Moskowitz, Singer battle for Jewish vote in new FL district

For a solid thirty minutes, the candidates defended their honor as the race’s most pro-Israel candidate.

Oct 22 • 5:09 AM EDT • Politics • miamiherald.com

Rogers argues El-Sayed is vulnerable with 2 traditionally Democratic blocs as Obama heads to Michigan

Mike Rogers argues Abdul El-Sayed may lose Black and Jewish voters in Michigan's Senate race during a Sean Hannity town hall on key demographics.

Oct 20 • 12:03 AM EDT • Politics • foxnews.com

A bitter Michigan Senate race rattles Jewish and Muslim voters already on edge over the war in Gaza

Michigan’s closely contested Senate race has become deeply personal for some voters.

Oct 19 • 4:26 PM EDT • Politics • pbs.org

Trump Wades into Israeli Politics

Netanyahu is stumbling toward the finish line of this election cycle with Israel isolated internationally more than ever before, as major European partners have all but turned their backs on the Jewish state, and a majority of Americans view Israel negatively.

Oct 19 • 1:48 PM EDT • Politics • momentmag.com

Synagogue ransacked, Jewish businesses hit during French riots: 'Can't be a coincidence'

Oct 18 • 3:23 PM EDT • Business • nypost.com

America's politically divided Jewish community braces for Israel's elections

Netanyahu’s supporters, especially among Orthodox Jews, believe he’s protecting a country they love as central to their identity. Many liberal and younger Jewish Americans believe his policies have harmed Israel’s global standing.

Oct 17 • 2:41 PM EDT • Politics • pbs.org

A bitter Michigan Senate race rattles Jewish and Muslim voters already on edge over the war in Gaza

Michigan’s closely contested Senate race has become deeply personal for some voters | WWJ Newsradio 950

Oct 17 • 9:31 AM EDT • Politics • audacy.com

A bitter Michigan Senate race rattles Jewish and Muslim voters already on edge over the war in Gaza

Michigan’s closely contested Senate race has become deeply personal for some voters.

Oct 17 • 9:31 AM EDT • Politics • wsls.com

Talarico criticizes Israel’s actions in Gaza, backs two-state solution

James Talarico, the Democratic candidate for Texas’ Senate seat, addressed the nuances of a voter’s question about rising antisemitism and his stance on Israel. “I have deep love and respect for the Jewish people, for the Jewish scriptures,” noting that he learned about them from a local rabbi and not from a Christian perspective.

Oct 14 • 8:00 PM EDT • Politics • cnn.com

Helmsley Charitable Trust awards $3M toward Tel-Hai University science building in the North

Donation brings Helmsley's total support for the Galilee school to $18 million

Oct 14 • 8:30 AM EDT • Science • ejewishphilanthropy.com

Andre Tippett, Julian Edelman Set for Induction into International Jewish Sports Hall of Fame

Two Patriots Hall of Famers will add another honor to their distinguished careers as Andre Tippett and Julian Edelman join the International Jewish Sports Hall of Fame's Class of 2026.

Oct 13 • 2:01 PM EDT • Sports • patriots.com

Leader of Jewish Greens calls for Zack Polanski to resign

Vivien Lichtenstein says party leader should stand down over ‘Zionism is racism’ policy after losing byelection

Oct 9 • 6:48 AM EDT • Politics • theguardian.com

Zack Polanski to stay on as Green leader as crticism mounts

Jewish Greens' leader has said Polanski should resign in the wake of a Zionism row and by-election defeat.

Oct 9 • 6:11 AM EDT • Politics • bbc.com

Political homelessness is freeing

In times of political homelessness, Jews can always turn to Judaism for guidance.

Oct 8 • 5:47 AM EDT • Politics • ejewishphilanthropy.com

California to recognize Jewish as ethnicity on state forms

The choice of Jewish as an ethnicity will begin appearing on state forms in 2029.

Oct 7 • 5:41 PM EDT • Politics • spectrumlocalnews.com

Boulder County Business Hall of Fame inducts Niwot's Denis Nock

Stars were out for the 2026 Boulder County Business Hall of Fame's induction ceremony at the Boulder Jewish Community Center on Sept. 30, which has often honored Niwot-area residents. Among last year's honorees were Art and Debbi Stapp of Stapp Interstate Toyota, Kena and Mark Guttridge of Ollin Farms, and Bert Steele of Niwot Market. Among those h...

Oct 7 • 8:00 AM EDT • Business • lhvc.com

We studied American Jews’ mental health after Oct. 7. They’re not OK.

Research showed invalidation in ways that were painful, isolating and sometimes startling, writes a co-founder of The Jewish Community Mental Health Initiative.

Oct 6 • 3:17 PM EDT • Health • jta.org

Green party votes to adopt policy that equates Zionism with racism

Motion that has alarmed some Jewish members is passed by 1,022 votes to 813 at party’s annual conference in Brighton

Oct 4 • 10:15 AM EDT • Politics • theguardian.com

New ADL Initiative Details Exclusion of Jews, Israelis From Art, Entertainment, Publishing

The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) on Thursday released a new initiative that details the exclusion and suppression of Jewish and Israeli…

Oct 2 • 4:00 PM EDT • Entertainment • algemeiner.com

Can Mamdani's new plan bridge the divide with Jewish New Yorkers?

This week, Mayor Zohran Mamdani released a 33-page plan to combat antisemitism.

Oct 2 • 6:00 AM EDT • Politics • ny1.com

‘Uncertain Empire’: Historian considers post-World War I shifts that shaped Jewish futures

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Oct 1 • 9:22 AM EDT • Politics • clarku.edu

Jewish and Israeli Artists Face Growing ‘Cultural Boycotts’ Across Entertainment, ADL Report Says

The Anti-Defamation League has tracked 65 cases of protests, cancellations and harassment involving Jewish, Israeli and Zionist performers.

Oct 1 • 9:00 AM EDT • Entertainment • thewrap.com

Troy Jackson apologizes for remarks about Jewish Maine residents’ views of Gaza war

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Sep 30 • 3:14 PM EDT • Politics • cnn.com

Mamdani releases plan to combat antisemitism in New York amid concerns over his criticism of Israel

The plan is the mayor's most forceful attempt to address concerns from the Jewish community over antisemitism.

Sep 29 • 6:32 PM EDT • Politics • pbs.org

Mamdani unveils strategy to combat antisemitism in New York City

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani announced a strategy to combat antisemitism Tuesday, including tens of millions of dollars in funding for hate crime prevention and Jewish cultural centers.

Sep 29 • 3:05 PM EDT • Politics • cnn.com

Rivals for LA mayor set to meet in forum

The two Democrats are scheduled to appear at a forum sponsored by the Jewish Federation LA

Sep 29 • 10:09 AM EDT • Politics • spectrumnews1.com

Polanski heckled at Jewish community hustings after saying that Zionism is a form of racism

The Green leader, who is Jewish, made the remarks as part of his campaign in the Holborn and St Pancras byelection

Sep 25 • 5:54 AM EDT • Politics • theguardian.com

Visit Liberty Science Center During Sukkot

(Courtesy of Liberty Science Center) From Sept. 28 to Oct. 1, Liberty Science Center in Jersey City, New Jersey, has exciting programming planned for the entire family. In addition to fascinating science exhibits and shows, the Science Center will provide a sukkah for those observing Sukkot. The center’s exhibition, “The Power of Poison,” explores the […]

Sep 24 • 8:33 AM EDT • Science • jewishlink.news

I want to rescue the word Zionism. We cannot reduce a vast Jewish idea to the politics of the moment.

Angela Buchdahl, senior rabbi of Central Synagogue in Manhattan, delivered a sermon on Zionist ideas and ideals

Sep 22 • 6:30 AM EDT • Politics • forward.com

Providence is poised to have a pro-Palestine mayor. Its Jewish community is conflicted.

The win by a democratic socialist aligned with the pro-Palestine movement has prompted fears, as antisemitism is on the rise and a divestment question aimed at Israel is on the ballot.

Sep 22 • 5:30 AM EDT • Politics • bostonglobe.com

New laws trigger a fresh legal fight over Nazi-looted art in Los Angeles and Auschwitz museums

Jewish heirs of Holocaust victims have filed lawsuits in California to reclaim Nazi-looted paintings from museums in Los Angeles and Poland.

Sep 19 • 7:15 AM EDT • Entertainment • seattletimes.com