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Shifting left, Democrats see universal health care, taxing the rich as 'essential,' Reuters/Ipsos poll finds
Liberal Democrats now make up a clear majority of their party and view universal healthcare, greater abortion access and higher taxes on the rich as essential political positions, underscoring how Democrats have moved leftward in recent years, according to a new Reuters/Ipsos poll.
Michigan Democrats choose between Abdul El-Sayed and Haley Stevens, and more races to watch today
What to watch in Michigan’s Democratic Senate showdown and other key races in Tuesday’s primaries
Michigan Democrats on Tuesday will settle a Senate primary that has emerged as the most significant test of the party’s direction this year — one that will gauge whether the progressive insurgency that has toppled establishment figures and incumbents on deep blue turf all spring and summer extends into one of the nation’s biggest political battlegrounds.
Former progressive Squad member Cori Bush attempts political comeback against Missouri US Representative Bell
The rematch in a heavily Democratic St. Louis district is one of several consequential primaries.
Former progressive Squad member Cori Bush attempts political comeback against Missouri US Rep. Bell
Former U.S. Rep. Cori Bush is attempting a political comeback in a Missouri Democratic primary
Former progressive Squad member Cori Bush attempts political comeback against Missouri US Rep. Bell
Former U.S. Rep. Cori Bush is attempting a political comeback in a Missouri Democratic primary.
N.Y. political strategist talks Democrat chances ahead of 2026 elections
Jack O’Donnell, the managing partner of the eponymous O’Donnell and Associates, joins Capital Tonight.
N.Y. political strategist talks Democrat chances ahead of 2026 elections
Jack O’Donnell, the managing partner of the eponymous O’Donnell and Associates, joins Capital Tonight.
Democrats blink as Schumer helps GOP clear key shutdown hurdle
Chuck Schumer endorsed the continuing resolution as Senate Republicans race to clear a government funding bill before leaving Washington, D.C.
Fact-checking Abdul El-Sayed and Haley Stevens' claims ahead of the Michigan Democratic Senate primary
Michigan Democrats will pick their nominee for the U.S. Senate on Aug. 4 in a battle dominated by views on U.S.-Israel relations and the Democratic Party’s future.
Michigan’s primary reflects a Democratic base transforming in Trump 2.0: From the Politics Desk
Plus, Todd Blanche’s AG nomination is back on track ahead of a key committee vote.
In Texas, a political group bets $6 million on Latino voters coming back to Democrats
Somos PAC is planning an ad campaign targeting three South Texas House districts.
Democratic states urge Supreme Court to block Trump's new limits on mail ballots
President Trump's executive order required the U.S. Postal Service to use state-by-state lists of eligible voters who may send a ballot by mail.
Wisconsin governor’s race tests limits of Democrats’ leftward shift
After years of Republican rule, Wisconsin Democrats are testing whether a democratic socialist is a viable candidate for governor in a swing state.
Flag football continues ‘remarkable’ growth, leading California high school sports’ increase in participation
Girls sports keyed another record-setting year for high school athletics, while football participation saw a significant drop on the boys side
http://democrats-energycommerce.house.gov/media/press-releases/republican-health-care-cuts-continue-devastate-american-families
Senate Finance Committee Ranking Member Ron Wyden, D-Ore., and House Energy and Commerce Committee Ranking Member Frank Pallone Jr., D-N.J., today released their latest report spotlighting the consequences of the Republican Big Ugly Betrayal, which slashed over $1 trillion from Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act in July 2025.
Pa. Democrats, Republicans make their push 100 days before midterms
7th District House of Representatives Candidates Bob Brooks and Ryan Mackenzie discuss campaigns ahead of midterm election.
Maryland Democrats considering partisan redistricting for 2028 election
Maryland lawmakers are kicking off a special session to consider a first step in a partisan redistricting initiative that could help Democrats pick up an additional U.S. House seat by 2028.
If Not AOC, Then Who?
What do we do if Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez decides not to run for president in 2028? It makes sense that many leftists are currently focused on calling on her to take the plunge. But the absence of a Plan B, or even much discussion about one, is worrisome. The US Left can’t afford to sit out the 2028 Democratic primary. Doing so in 2024 was a disaster: our abstention self-marginalized anti-billionaire politics from the national conversation and thereby gave space for Harris to pivot to the “center” (i.e. the policy preferences of corporate donors, establishment hacks, and AIPAC). Abstaining again in 2028 would be especially counterproductive since democratic socialists now have so much wind in our sails after our big electoral wins in NYC and across the country. It’s time to deepen our momentum, organization, and profile — not to retreat to the margins during America’s single most important political battle. Even more urgently, keeping Trump’s heir out of the White House may depend on whether leftists and the party’s unprecedentedly disenchanted base can force the Democrats in 2028 to take meaningful steps towards a very angry electorate and away from the corporate-consultant blob that has helped get us into this mess. If AOC (or Abdul El-Sayed) decides to run, we should enthusiastically go all in — DSA, fighting unions, progressive organizations, anybody who wants to see a better country and world. But, as far as I can tell from the outside, there’s a real chance that she doesn’t run. And we can’t just wait and see where she lands before discussing alternatives, since AOC’s decision might not come for quite a while, giving us little time to scramble at the last minute for an alternative. So we should start working now on getting a Plan B into motion, and recruiting a good candidate for the role. Here’s one idea. A Worker Candidate — Healthcare Not Warfare 2028 Run a union worker Leftists don’t need to always run experienced, well-known socialist politicians for high-profile contests. Lula, the current president of Brazil, began his political career as a metalworker militant who ran for governor of São Paulo in 1982. Especially in an era of institutional distrust, it’s possible to lean hard into making a virtue out of a working-class comrade’s distance from traditional politics. Experience abroad shows this clearly. Rachel Kéké — an immigrant hotel housekeeper — ran as the candidate of the leftist La France Insoumise for the National Assembly in 2022, defeating a former minister in the Macron government. The Belgian Workers’ Party in 2024 won its first Flemish seat in the European Parliament by running Rudi Kennes, a three-decade veteran of the Opel Antwerp auto factory. And the South Korean left in 2024 elected auto factory militant Yoon Jong-oh to the National Assembly. If a tiny French Trotskyist organization could make such a big splash in 2002 and 2007 by running a well-spoken postal worker cadre for office — the LCR’s Olivier Besancenot received about 1.5 million first-round votes — it’s not far-fetched to expect that a much larger organization like DSA, together with a broader coalition of the willing, could run this playbook to much greater effect. This is especially the case now that almost everything DSA does immediately becomes a national news story. We don’t need someone famous. We just need a charismatic, well-vetted comrade who works in a relatable working-class occupation — e.g. a nurse, or a worker in auto or construction, or at Amazon. Ideally, they have a compelling personal story or have been part of a significant strike or organizing campaign, but even those criteria don’t necessarily have to be deal-breakers. The main lesson of the Graham Platner fiasco isn’t that we should never run outsiders for office (the momentum he generated proves the exact opposite), but that they need proper vetting and roots in democratic membership organizations like DSA or a union. In any case, there are plenty of ways to signal working-class authenticity without resorting to Platner’s or Fetterman’s performative macho white dude affect. Better to have someone of any gender or race who is actually working class, with firm socialist politics, who can speak from experience about the day-to-day realities of trying to make it in America. There are surely at least a dozen such worker leaders in our movement nationwide; we just need to sit down and convince one that their personal sacrifice for the greater good (i.e. running for president) will be worth it. If we don’t have a frontrunner with a clear path to victory like AOC (or El-Sayed, were he to win Michigan), it’s better to embrace someone whose decision to run in itself tells an important story about US politics: workers have been iced out of our political system and are now fighting hard to break back in. The novelty factor, in itself, would generate press. And it would help democratic socialists signal to the American public that our movement’s defining characteristic is that we represent workers vs. bosses, not that we’re “the furthest left” force in American politics — a framework that suggests we’re extremists and that helps our opponents isolate us from non-college-educated voters by highlighting extremely minoritarian (and misguided) stances included in DSA’s platform like prison abolition. We don’t get many opportunities to speak to tens of millions of Americans; we need to use these opportunities to broaden our appeal beyond those already in our orbit. Run to polarize the 2028 primary and general election around “Medicare for All” and “End All Aid to Israel” Why should democratic socialists use our scarce time and volunteer energy to run in a race we’re unlikely to win? Running in the 2028 primary will not only recruit us scores of members (imagine having a DSA member intervening in eleven nationally televised primary debates!), but — more importantly — it has the potential to be a decisive leap forward towards an America that finally starts meeting the needs of working people instead of HMO and AIPAC billionaire donors. Polarizing litmus tests are good, actually — as long as they’re fought for around popular demands in a thoughtful and strategic way. Democratic socialists have an opportunity and responsibility to make the 2028 primary about two of the most widely and deeply felt issues of our moment: domestically, America’s unaffordable, family-breaking private healthcare system; internationally, America’s bankrolling of the genocidal Israeli government. A candidacy relentlessly demanding Medicare for All and No Aid to Israel would pose a sharp question to the American public, the Democratic Party, and other 2028 contenders: Why can’t working-class Americans afford their healthcare bills at the same time that our government is spending at least $3.8 billion yearly to fund an Israeli regime eager to keep dragging us and the world into more forever wars? Our candidate can agitate around a clear message: I’m running to give voice to all those working-class Americans who are struggling to get by. No matter what state you live in, who you voted for in 2024, or your background, it’s just plain common sense that we should make healthcare more affordable instead of spending billions to enable the Israeli government’s crimes against humanity. Every American who agrees with me when I say ‘Medicare for All — Not a Dime for Israel’ should make their voice heard through our campaign. Racking up a high number of votes for this agenda is a crucial way to show the Democratic Party and the country as a whole that we can’t keep supporting a life-destroying status quo in our healthcare system and in the Middle East. If we want to defeat Trump’s handpicked crony this coming November, we need to speak to ordinary people’s frustrations with the status quo — we can’t keep running the same tired establishment playbook and expecting a different result. For those highly engaged voters (or skeptical media pundits) who raise concerns about wasting votes, the candidate can take the time to explain why this isn’t the case: It's true I'm a long shot. But Zohran showed anything can happen — and voting for me is a pragmatic decision, not a wasted vote. In a heavily divided primary with a large number of candidates and a very discredited establishment, my campaign and the democratic socialist movement I’m part of are positioned to be the balance of power if we can get a large enough number of voters to loudly demand Healthcare Not Warfare. Since there’s a high chance no candidate will get to 50% in the 2028 primaries, the Democrats could very well be heading towards a brokered convention, where a disciplined, principled current committed to breaking from corporate donors can play an outsized role in making sure whoever ends up with the nomination raises the banner of single-payer healthcare and cutting aid to Israel. How exactly could running this sort of primary campaign be translated into actual leverage? The candidate replies: I’m aiming to win the nomination, but if I don’t achieve that goal, my delegates and I will pledge our support in the primary only for a candidate who agrees in the general election to call for ending US aid to Israel and establishing Medicare for All at home. These are both winning planks for November against the Republicans, and the only reason I can see that other candidates haven’t yet raised these is that they’re still more scared of the donor class than they are of the people. That needs to change. If Democratic leaders want young people, workers, and those sick of the status quo to show up in big numbers this November, they need to meet us halfway. In this way, whether or not we win the nomination, democratic socialists could still play a decisive role in 2028. The approach outlined here is similar to what radical left parties periodically do in parliamentary democracies like Denmark or Sweden when they find themselves as a junior partner electorally: they dictate to center-left allies what their terms would be for enabling, from the outside, the formation of a new government. Running a Healthcare Not Warfare candidate will make it significantly more likely that the 2028 Democratic candidate stands with ordinary people instead of donors on these two pivotal planks — a shift that will, in turn, make it easier to achieve the existentially important task of defeating MAGA’s heir in November. Look at how much popular traction the Uncommitted movement got with a similar strategy in 2024 with so little on-the-ground organization — surely we can go much further with a working-class candidate, a much bigger DSA, and a Democratic Party base that has turned against Israel, billionaires, and the hacks in the party who prop them up. Objections and Responses There are quite a few objections to this proposal, many of which are very reasonable. Let me briefly address each here. Socialists shouldn’t waste their scarce time and resources on a candidate unlikely to win. This is a good rule in general, but there are important exceptions, and presidential elections are the main one. There’s no other political contest that gets anything like this level of attention and engagement in the US, so if you want to be a serious force in nationwide politics, you basically can’t afford not to have a candidate. Far from being an overall drain on our resources, running a dynamic 2028 campaign would likely result in a major net increase in members and capacity. In that spirit, the very pragmatic Milwaukee sewer socialists — who mostly ran to win at home in Wisconsin — supported Eugene Debs’s propagandistic presidential campaigns, which they correctly saw as a crucial means of recruiting to the Socialist Party. And now that the (post-1972) Democratic Party gives more weight to voters than party operatives in determining its presidential nomination, it’s become feasible to run as a socialist in primaries without risking a split in the vote against the Republicans in November. We should just support Ro Khanna, who also supports M4A and ending aid to Israel. I like Ro Khanna and would enthusiastically vote and canvass for him for president were he to get the nomination. But there’s a real chance that Khanna’s bid for office doesn’t catch on; he lacks the grassroots organizational apparatus of DSA, and, because he’s not really of the Left or labor (despite his current very good positions), he’s unlikely to generate the type of buy-in and enthusiasm that a DSA candidate would. Moreover, Khanna would be running as an individual, not as someone emerging from and building an organized movement — his campaign would not likely focus on building sustained power from below, nor would it likely polarize the 2028 primary around M4A and Israel aid. Also, and not inconsequentially, the poor electoral results for Tom Steyer and Saikat Chakrabarti this spring suggest that there’s perhaps not much of a popular appetite in the Democrats’ base to support multi-millionaire class traitors. Much better, then, to run a democratic socialist worker. If by Super Tuesday it’s clear that our campaign has captured the main left lane in the primary, Khanna should drop out and endorse us; conversely, if he’s managed to capture this lane, DSA could at that point transform its Healthcare Not Warfare campaign into an independent campaign to elect Ro Khanna focused on winning (and holding him accountable to) those two critical planks. An openness to consolidating an anti-corporate candidate by Super Tuesday is a necessary component of the strategy I’m proposing, because otherwise we risk splitting the primary votes (per DNC rules, you need at least 15% to get any delegates to convention). We should convince Shawn Fain or Sara Nelson to run for president instead. I agree it’d be great if either ran for president, but my impression is that there’s basically no chance that will happen in 2028, because both are firmly focused on their union leadership duties (and, in the case of Fain, beating back a federal witch-hunt). This plan could have DSA end up endorsing a non-socialist, non-DSAer for president. That’s against our principles. It’s a myth, and bad politics, that socialists can’t ever support candidates who aren’t members of their organization and/or who don’t call themselves socialists. Bernie, after all, was not a DSAer. And socialists abroad regularly make tactical decisions about if and when supporting a non-socialist candidate makes sense from the standpoint of promoting working-class interests, defending democracy, and building a socialist current in the process. If your “principles” prevent you and DSA from helping achieve the momentous stride forward of having a Democratic candidate in 2028 run on Medicare for All and ending aid to Israel, those “principles” are not very good. In fact, they actively undermine the causes they’re aiming to support. We shouldn’t confuse principles (working-class independence) with tactics (the best way to advance this in a given context). In my recent article in Catalyst on Milwaukee sewer socialism (I’ve uploaded the full text here), I have a section showing how similarly rigid rules about endorsements had to be eventually discarded in the old Socialist Party nationwide after WWI because they tended to lead socialists towards a sectarian abstention from broader anti-corporate electoral insurgencies beyond their party’s control. For what it’s worth, Lenin’s current under Tsarism frequently backed bourgeois candidates in the second round of elections and Lenin himself advocated that British Communists support Labour Party candidates; for his part, Kautsky in 1912 defended the German Social Democracy’s electoral pact with the Progressives in the runoffs. If our predecessors could be that tactically flexible in an era before the limits of their underlying strategic assumptions about intransigent class politics in capitalist democracies were made clear, then there’s no need to insist on being more tactically rigid today, after a century’s worth of accumulated experience. As long as you maintain your own political profile and organization while engaging in broader coalitional efforts, there’s zero inherent contradiction with the principle of political independence. More specifically: DSA and allied organizations should enthusiastically back Michigan’s Abdul El-Sayed if AOC declines to run and he throws his hat in the presidential ring. (I have no idea whether he’s even considering this path, but there’ll surely be chatter about it if he wins his Senate race this November.) Though he doesn’t call himself a socialist, El-Sayed is a principled Berniecrat, a consistent fighter for Palestine, and would have a clear path to victory. Using the “s” word is far less important than whether a campaign fights for the interests of working people at home and abroad — and whether actively participating in it can grow the organized working class and the Left. And the same holds true if a less anti-corporate candidate were, under pressure, to adopt our two Healthcare Not Warfare planks. Why focus only on M4A and ending US aid to Israel? There are so many other important issues to fight for! Obviously there are many pivotal issues beyond healthcare and Israel, and our candidate — and especially our organizations involved in the campaign — should be prepared to speak on all of these. But one of the crucial lessons of the Zohran campaign is that you have to relentlessly stay on message if you want to cut through the noise. CNN and Fox News will want to talk about DSA’s views on Venezuela and abolishing the police; we need to polarize the debate on the widely and deeply felt issues that are most favorable for growing the Left, isolating our opponents, and winning urgently needed changes. One recent poll found 63% of Americans support M4A, even after respondents were told it would raise taxes and eliminate most private insurance. Another found that 74% of Democrats opposed “providing additional economic and military support to Israel.” And focusing on two demands sets the campaign up to be able to leverage its mandate to make clear demands upon other candidates (which we can’t do if we run with a laundry list of demands). Talking about a Plan B is a distraction from the more urgent work of building a groundswell of calls on AOC to run. It’s good for DSAers, fightback unionists, and progressive organizations to try to convince AOC to run. This proposal is meant as an addendum to pushes to get AOC to run and to line DSA up for that eventuality, not as a substitute for those efforts. But I’m worried that, like in 2024, we might eventually find ourselves with no time to find a viable alternative unless we start now. DSA, with its abundant deliberative processes, moves slowly. The approach you’re suggesting seems risky. If a DSA candidate runs but doesn’t receive a lot of votes, it’ll undercut our current national momentum. This is a reasonable worry. All big initiatives always carry risks, and the path I’m advocating is certainly not free of these. That said, if a Healthcare Not Warfare campaign doesn’t catch on like we envisioned, it’s a pretty simple pivot in March 2028 to explain that in the future we really need our standard-bearers like AOC, or our growing bench of national electeds, to step up in presidential primaries. Moreover, it’s worth noting that the risk of my Plan B proposal is on the whole significantly less than the risk entailed by an AOC run. We should all back her if she runs, since she’d fire up the base, provide huge openings for organizing, have a real shot at defeating a Republican (especially given MAGA’s unpopularity), be a great standard-bearer for our issues, particularly M4A and ending aid to Israel, and be less willing than mainstream candidates to capitulate to any anti-democratic machinations from Trump and co. But it’s also true that AOC could lose, which would be a devastating setback to the country and the Left. Or she could win and find herself unable to pass much, if any, of her (and our) program, a demoralizing prospect. So if we’re willing to take these risks with AOC (and we should), it follows that we should be able to take lower-level risks if she doesn’t throw her hat in the ring. What’s Your Plan B? The US Left is facing its biggest opening for growth and influence since the 1930s. Initiatives that would have been impossible a few months ago are now potentially feasible. A President AOC is now easier to imagine, but if she ultimately assesses that the risks aren’t worth the potential reward in 2028, we can’t be left flat-footed. So even if you’re not convinced by the specifics of my Plan B, I hope you can at least agree that it’d be a disaster for us not to have one — and not to start getting a Plan B into motion. Hopefully other organizers and political currents will put forward their responses and alternative ideas ASAP. The stakes are too high to just wait and see. More As always, please share this article widely. This newsletter depends on all you lovely people to get the word out. Thank you! I uploaded the full text of my Catalyst article on Milwaukee sewer socialism here (it’s updated and 3x as long as the version published earlier on this substack). If you haven’t yet, please make sure to subscribe to Catalyst here; I read every issue front to back, highly recommend. 🌹🎵 Ivan Lins (arranged by Arthur Verocai) — “General da Banda” 🌹🎵
Summer Lee: Concerns over rise of socialism in Democratic Party ‘political noise’
Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.) said Sunday the attacks from the GOP over the rise of socialist candidates in the Democratic Party is “political noise” and not indicative of voters’ true concerns. “That …
Democrats' future is on the line as El-Sayed and Stevens make final push in Michigan primary
The Democrats running for U.S. Senate in Michigan spent one of their final days campaigning in Detroit-area churches and union halls.
AP Decision Notes: What to expect in the Kansas state primary
Kansas Republicans will narrow down a crowded field for governor in a state primary Tuesday as they look to retake the state’s top office after eight years of Democratic rule.
The computer science major is dying so that the AI literacy minor can be born: ‘we have to democratize it’
Computer science enrollment is falling even as psych, music and biology majors rush into AI minors — colleges are racing to keep up with employer demand.
AP Decision Notes: What to expect in Missouri’s state primary
St. Louis-area congressman Wesley Bell faces a Democratic primary rematch Tuesday with former congresswoman Cori Bush, who lost the seat to Bell in 2024.
Read the key chapter in dispute
Here is the section that the author of the Democratic Party’s 2024 autopsy says was missing when the Democratic National Committee released a draft of the overall document in May. The party denied ever receiving the chapter.
‘The Democratic Party is asleep at the wheel’: Democratic socialists are strategizing for their biggest moment yet
DSA has taken a strategic approach to grow its power within the Democratic Party, picking off two House incumbents already this year and potentially a third on Tuesday in Michigan. As the group’s summit in Chicago made clear, its members see this as only the beginning of a fight against both Republicans and Democrats alike.
Establishment Democrats’ Response to DSA’s Electoral Wins Should Be of Concern to Anyone Invested in the Future of Black Politics
Whatever happened to “big tent” politics?
3.14 Action raises $25 million to elect candidates with STEM backgrounds in 2026
The Democratic National Committee ended June with $18.5 million in debt and just $16.3 million cash on hand
3.14 Action raises $25 million to elect candidates with STEM backgrounds in 2026
The Democratic National Committee ended June with $18.5 million in debt and just $16.3 million cash on hand
Black voters, divided on progressives, are pivotal in Michigan Senate primary
A disruptor or a pragmatist? In Tuesday's contest between Abdul El-Sayed and Haley Stevens, Democrats weigh whether to remake the political system or work within it.
Corporate law firms funnel nearly $1M to Democratic incumbents
Last year’s bitter legislative fight over Senate Bill 21 – to shield companies from certain lawsuits – has spilled into the summer’s primary season.
Senate Democrats are putting red states in play. That might not be good enough anymore
The big hurdle for Democrats’ Senate majority hopes at the start of the 2026 election cycle seemed clear: The map was terrible for them.
Maryland lawmakers to consider steps toward partisan redistricting for 2028
Maryland lawmakers are set to kick off a special session to consider a first step in a partisan redistricting initiative that could help Democrats pick up an additional U.S. House seat by 2028.
California Democratic Party endorses Prop. 40 billionaire tax
The California Democratic Party backed Prop. 40, a 5% billionaire tax for healthcare, despite heavy pushback from Newsom and labor leaders.
Ken Martin hunkers down at the Democratic National Committee as a storm gathers around party leader
Desperate to save his job as chair of the Democratic National Committee, he is avoiding media appearances, monitoring his critics' social media posts and refusing — at least so far — to make any substantive changes at his troubled organization.
California Democratic Party endorses billionaire wealth tax in narrow vote
The close vote exposed deep schisms within the party over how to cope with healthcare cuts passed by Congressional Republicans.
Town and Country Fair returns to Napa Valley Expo starting Thursday
Starting Thursday, Aug. 6 the Town & Country Fair will take over the Napa Valley Expo, with live music, livestock exhibits, carnival thrills and lots more family friendly activities included with admission.
Entire Squad endorses Abdul El-Sayed days before Michigan Democratic Senate primary
Every Squad member has endorsed Abdul El-Sayed in the Michigan Senate primary, even as he distances himself from the Democratic Socialists of America.
Democrats’ path to win the Senate runs through the Midwest
Voters’ economic anxiety could reshape the map from Michigan to Iowa in November.
Democrat U.S. senate candidate Stevens campaigns at Detroit church
U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens, D-Mich., campaigns for the U.S. Senate seat on the. eve of the primary election at Wendell Anthony's church in Detroit, Sunday.
Democratic socialists face a prove-it moment in battleground Wisconsin
Francesca Hong, the democratic socialist leading Wisconsin’s Democratic field for governor, could soon test whether the progressive insurgency that notched primary victories in deep-blue districts this summer can prevail statewide in a perennial presidential battleground.
Inside California Politics: Hilton challenges Becerra to debate
(Inside California Politics) — Steve Hilton is challenging his Democratic rival to a debate, calling on Xavier Becerra to “man up and show up” to a televised showdown. This week, the Re…
WA’s 2026 primary election tests Trump’s grip on both parties
Key Washington primaries offer an early look at President Donald Trump's GOP influence, Democratic divisions and the battle for Congress in 2026.
Justin Pearson Is Taking On Elon Musk's AI Empire
The Tennessee Democrat has become one of the loudest voices amid a growing national backlash against the pollution and politics of America's AI buildout.
A new media ecosystem is taking root on the left, reshaping Democratic politics
More progressives are swearing off traditional media, joining a shift toward podcasts, social media and digital news that conservatives saw years ago.
Neal Milner: There’s So Much We Don’t Know About Hawaiʻi Politics
The only truly documented thing we know for sure is that most people vote Democratic if they vote at all. Not much news there.
A democratic socialist in the White House? Activists are thinking big.
The Democratic Socialists of America summit was abuzz about whether to endorse a presidential candidate, potentially Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Can Democratic Socialists Agree on Anything? They Say That’s Not the Point.
At a national summit of the Democratic Socialists of America, nervous energy and a sprawling tableau of sometimes-competing interests were on display.
Abdul El-Sayed, accused of sexism, says his contempt is for most everyone
In Michigan’s brutal Democratic Senate primary, the candidate’s barbed wit sparked attack ads that portray him as disrespectful to women. He says that’s a racist trope.
Maine’s Democratic Senate candidate touts his rural appeal. His hometown has mixed feelings.
In Allagash, a hamlet of some 200 people near Canada, residents are sharply divided over Troy Jackson.
Democratic Socialists of America propose radical overhaul of US govt
The Democratic Socialists of America want to fight for working-class Americans by offering free healthcare and childcare. It has some other ideas too.
Brown, Acton bet voters want change as Democrats keep Ohio close
Ohio Democrats are banking on voters wanting a change from President Donald Trump, unaffordable living and Republican rule in the Buckeye State.
We the people: Learning the navigation of politics and voting
Democracy has become a loaded word, along with the U.S. Constitution. Then I was extended the opportunity to playtest a game, Convention of States. I began to see how democracy was complicated and often politically maneuvered. To understand this: Article V of the U.S. Constitution allows state legislatures to bypass Congress and propose amendments to the Constitution. Therein lies the game: a role-playing game that casts players as democratically elected delegates representing the regions and states of America. I was lucky enough to become a Justice, heavily equipped with states, which is voting power. I voted on behalf of Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia.
Democrats see a chance to flip a seat as focus on abuse claims mounts against Ohio Rep. Max Miller
Allegations against Rep. Max Miller have been public for years but have recently drawn increased media scrutiny amid an escalating legal back-and-forth with his former spouse, who is the daughter of Sen. Bernie Moreno.
Troy Jackson launches his first general election ad in Maine Senate race, criticizing Susan Collins
The seven-figure ad campaign highlights the Democrat’s background as a labor organizer and attacks incumbent Maine GOP Sen. Susan Collins. It’s slated to begin running next week.
Smerconish: The growing power of the Democratic Socialists of America
Abdul El-Sayed, Haley Stevens Battle in Michigan Senate Primary
The Democratic primary for Senate in Michigan pits Abdul El-Sayed against Haley Stevens in a battle is reverberating through the party.
Democrats’ ‘climate hushing’ prompts activists to turn up the volume
Nationwide actions seek to counter view that talking about climate crisis distracts from affordability messaging
Opinion | What Happens to America’s Political Parties After Trump?
Democrats have an anger problem. Republicans have a Trump problem.
‘Family business’: Two battleground secretaries of state discover an unexpected connection
Democrats Cisco Aguilar and Adrian Fontes are distant cousins, helping to forge an alliance ahead of critical re-election races this fall in Nevada and Arizona.
‘Family business’: Two battleground secretaries of state discover an unexpected connection
Democrats Cisco Aguilar and Adrian Fontes are distant cousins, helping to forge an alliance ahead of critical re-election races this fall in Nevada and Arizona.
Video: Opinion | What Happens to America’s Political Parties After Trump?
Democrats have an anger problem. Republicans have a Trump problem.
Democrats’ factional battle hits a swing district in Michigan
Michigan’s 7th District swung to the GOP in the 2024 election after Democrats flipped it in 2018. Now, a fractious Democratic primary has drawn national attention and money.
In the race for Senate in Michigan, multiple party fights are colliding for Democrats
As Haley Stevens and Abdul El-Sayed vie for the Democratic nomination, voters are debating which way the party should go: establishment or insurgent; progressive or more moderate; new media or old.
WATCH: Democrats admit when they'd eliminate the filibuster as SAVE Act fight heats up
Trump urges John Thune to eliminate the Senate filibuster or cancel August recess until lawmakers pass the SAVE Act election integrity bill.
These Democratic Voters Are Battling Over What Their Party Stands For
Progressive candidates are gaining momentum in primary battles with voters who are fed up with the status quo and drawn to populist policies like universal healthcare.
A voters guide to democratic socialism: It isn’t what most people think
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Does public health *need* MAHA?
Last week, our friend Dr. Craig Spencer sparked an ongoing volatile discussion with his Atlantic article “Public Health Needs MAHA.” Some have come out in strong dissent, others are cheering, and others are simply lamenting that we find ourselves in such a divided world to begin with. We will dare to dip our toes in these controversial waters, too. Does public health need MAHA? We think in some ways yes, and in other ways, no. MAHA leaders versus the everyday MAHA supporter The vitriol in this debate mostly comes from one collapsed distinction: the leadership of MAHA is not necessarily the same as the people who support it. Say “MAHA” and most people picture RFK Jr. Fair enough, as he coined the term and holds most of the power. And, yes, some MAHA followers treat Kennedy as something close to a saint. But talk to the grassroots, and it’s not a monolith. They’re Republicans, Democrats, and Independents. People who distrust vaccines and vaccine supporters. It’s a wide, eclectic coalition. The data backs this too: 4 in 10 Americans support the movement—that’s a lot of people! But according to polls, vaccines and medical choice (the issues most tied to Kennedy personally) are cited by only 4% as their reason for supporting the movement. For many, the motivations are much broader. Many MAHA supporters are signing up for the idea that “something needs to change” with health in this country. They’re asking good-faith questions about corporate influence on our health systems, health care costs, nutrition, chemicals, and clean air and water. These are all questions that plenty of public health professionals recognize as legitimate and also care about very deeply. Blurring the lines between the leadership and grassroots does real damage in two important ways: It hands the 4 in 10 exactly the narrative already fed—that the health ecosystem doesn’t listen, doesn’t care, and paints every critic with the same brush. It gives the actual bad actor more power. RFK Jr. has done irreparable damage and can’t be trusted. What the MAHA movement gets right A healthy population is something the public health field was literally built on, and many of these topics are things we have dedicated our lives to. Yet the MAHA movement has captivated nearly half the country in a way the public health establishment has failed to achieve. So that means MAHA is doing something right. Some of it may be timing (after a Covid-19 pandemic and deep frustration and mistrust with institutions). The movement also does three other things really well: 1. It gives a new, louder voice to system failures. While MAHA is not a monolith, one theme stays consistent across their stories: the system failed them. For some, it was the system that flooded their communities with opioids and then walked away. For others, it was the system that let their business collapse during Covid with no safety net in sight. For others still, it was the system that failed to help them manage a complex chronic illness, bouncing them from physician to physician without any real answers. And in many ways, our health ecosystems are failing Americans. Why are medical bills so incomprehensible? Why do some kids get a healthy school lunch and others don’t? Why do an epidemiologist and a MD/PhD student have to start newsletters in the middle of the biggest public health emergency in a century, just so people can get straight information? Because the systems failed. This deep-seated frustration driving many Americans to search for solutions elsewhere needs to be recognized. 2. MAHA has brilliant comms central to their efforts. MAHA figured out something most health institutions still have not: the information landscape changed. It’s participatory now, not top-down; influence runs through many nodes in a community, not one institution; and storytelling and telling audiences “what you really think” moves people more than data dumps do. MAHA goes where audiences are listening, using podcasts, social media, and memes in ways most health institutions would scoff at—but it works. 3. They are very good at organizing. A MAHA meeting feels like a rally: energy, speakers, music, and most importantly, an action for everyone. Someone’s writing the next policy brief, someone’s seeding a narrative, someone knows the next legislative deadline, someone’s sending the text messages for a campaign. None of this is new (ask the civil rights movement), but MAHA knows it works and has capitalized on it. What MAHA gets wrong This list could be much longer, and this newsletter has spent a lot of time covering it, but here are a few things: Poor use of scientific evidence. This is the fundamental problem with many MAHA policies: the hype outpaces the science, and experts are often villainized for pointing this out. MAHA leadership has traded real solutions for cheap wins. For example, instead of taking on the powerful food industry and passing real reforms, it has celebrated french fries made of beef tallow and taken out artificial dyes from still very sugary children’s cereal. These changes won’t move the needle on America’s diet. MAHA leadership has tried to dismantle vaccine access in the U.S. While many MAHA supporters emphasize other issues, the effort to change vaccine policy has become MAHA’s signature effort. This is not surprising given RFK Jr.’s extensive track record campaigning against vaccines. It has rallied behind the wrong leader. RFK Jr. has a decades-long track record of villifying doctors, scientists, and public health workers, well before he became HHS secretary. He is known for his decades-long work sowing distrust in vaccines as well as life-saving treatments like antiretroviral therapy for HIV. This is not a serious person who can move the needle on health in the U.S, and he has already done serious damage. Public health needs more than defense Defending the evidence is absolutely necessary so health in the U.S. doesn’t move further backward. The public health establishment is very good at defense. The problem is this defense often sounds like defending the status quo, which has failed many people. Public health needs to offer an alternative to RFK Jr.’s MAHA—one that is rooted in evidence, truly listens to and addresses people’s frustrations, and has innovative solutions and the courage to change the systems. How do we get there? Find common ground. Do you know what most people care most about? The abysmal cost of healthcare. Start there. Fight for the human loudly. Too often, communications and engagement center on science with a capital S, funding mechanisms, or the CDC/FDA/NIH. Not the person. So the public doesn’t see themselves in it. Instead, they see people fighting for the very powerful systems that they feel negatively impact their health and well-being. Let the public feel and hear that you see their frustrations, you get it, and you’re fighting for them within the system. Recognize when pro-science messages are alienating people. Facts absolutely matter, but angrily venting only alienates people further. Our friend Elisabeth Marnik recently wrote a New York Times article about her experience growing up unvaccinated and how listening and empathetic conversation are the only ways to reach people that really work (a position backed by communication science). Her comments section was full of hateful comments from pro-vaccine individuals attacking her for daring to suggest we approach vaccine-hesitant individuals with empathy. It is possible to both stand firm behind scientific evidence and empathize with people who don’t trust it. Lean into politics smartly. Often, public health has shied away from politics: Don’t touch it, lest you get burned. But this fails to recognize that the third rail is what fuels the train: who is elected determines our budgets, our priorities, and our authority. Being political means being very savvy in strategy on both sides of the aisle, knowing your audience, and recognizing that political capital is as scarce as financial resources and needs to be allocated accordingly. Bottom line So does public health need MAHA? That’s not really the right question. Public health has a responsibility not to dismiss 40% of the country who feel heard by this movement and are frustrated that the system has failed them. And it has a responsibility to stick to the evidence and recognize MAHA leadership for what it is: a danger to our nation’s health. Both can, and should, be done. Love, YLE and KP A big thanks to Craig Spencer, who had the courage to put his neck out there to start a much-needed discussion at such a critical moment—one that is determining the identity of an entire field. Kristen Panthagani, MD, PhD is completing an emergency medicine residency and research fellowship focusing on health literacy and communication. In her free time, she writes the newsletters You Can Know Things debunking health myths and rumors and The Public Health Roundup. Views expressed belong to KP, not her employer. Your Local Epidemiologist (YLE) comprises a team of experts, ranging from physicians to immunologists to epidemiologists to nutritionists, working together with one goal: to “translate” ever-evolving public health science so that people are well-equipped to make evidence-based decisions. The YLE suite of newsletters reaches over 475,000 people across more than 132 countries. This newsletter is free to everyone, thanks to the generous support of fellow YLE community members. To support the effort, subscribe or upgrade below: Subscribe
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