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Top Stories: iOS 27 and macOS Golden Gate Out Now, Siri AI Waitlist, and More
All of Apple's products introduced at last week's event with the exception of the iPhone Duo are now available, with the iPhone 18 Pro and Pro Max, Apple Watch Series 12 and Ultra 4, and AirPods 5 all launching on Friday. While new hardware is always a welcome arrival, users of existing hardware also got big upgrades this week with the releases of iOS 27, macOS Golden Gate and more.
Harry Kane loves playing alongside Michael Olise at Bayern Munich
The FC Bayern stars are a lethal duo.
Apple Exec Says 'Hold Us Accountable' on iPhone Duo Crease
Apple hardware engineering VP Tom Marieb spoke with TechRadar and shared some candid thoughts about Apple's upcoming iPhone Duo. The iPhone Duo uses a matte nano-texture display, which is meant to cut down on glare and minimize the visibility of the crease. When asked if the iPhone Duo's crease would be more visible over time, as that's what tends to happen on other foldables, Marieb said the nano-texture display would help.
Small business with a big footprint: Willow Hill Soap Company honored for growth, jobs and giving back
The husband-and-wife duo behind Willow Hill Soap Company — Ben and Alison McDowell — have seen their business grow from a home basement to two storefronts in Canton and Hendersonville,
I went hands-on with the iPhone Duo, and I'm genuinely excited
Apple nailed the design of its foldable, and the inner panel is an absolute delight to use.
iPhone 18 Pro Max in U.S. Equipped With Qualcomm's Snapdragon X80 Modem
TechInsights has published an iPhone 18 Pro Max teardown that confirms the U.S. version of the device is equipped with Qualcomm's Snapdragon X80 modem. The device's modem firmware also points towards the Snapdragon X80 modem. The smaller iPhone 18 Pro and the iPhone Duo use Apple's custom-designed C2 modem worldwide, and the iPhone 18 Pro Max uses the C2 modem in every other country, so the U.S. version of the iPhone 18 Pro Max having a Qualcomm modem is unique.
Apple VP of hardware talks iPhone Duo durability, crease, hinge, and more
Here’s what Apple’s VP of Hardware Engineering said about iPhone Duo’s durability, the hinge, and display crease in a new interview.
Phantoms to headline entertainment lineup at Bentley Scottsdale Polo Championships
The 15th annual Bentley Scottsdale Polo Championships will feature electronic music duo Phantoms as part of the event’s entertainment lineup this fall.
Apple Designers Explain the Thinking Behind iPhone Duo
Apple's design team reveals how notebooks helped inspire the iPhone Duo, along with interface principles and expectations for future features, in a new interview with GQ. The interview features Apple CEO John Ternus, Vice President of Industrial Design Molly Anderson, and Vice President of Human Interface Design Steve Lemay.
Bark and Mane cuts ribbon to celebrate new business
THOMPSON'S STATION — Husband and wife duo Chelsea and Mike Rushworth celebrated the official launch of their new venture, Bark and Mane, with a Williamson Inc. ribbon cutting ceremony on
iPhone Duo videos reveal split keyboard, app multitasking, more
iPhone Duo hands-on videos have surfaced online showing off the software keyboard, app multitasking, camera features, and more.
After the iPhone Duo, the Galaxy Z Fold 8 just got even more popular
Samsung saw an upward trend on home soil.
Phoenix Suns Signing Free Agent Center as Mark Williams Insurance
General manager Brian Gregory fortified a depleted frontcourt by securing Duop Reath, a floor-spacing veteran who provides crucial depth while Mark Williams recovers from shoulder surgery.
Everything New in iOS 27.2 Beta 1
Apple surprised us with the first beta of iOS 27.2 today instead of releasing an iOS 27.1 beta. Apple likely went straight to iOS 27.2 to keep iPhone Duo code under wraps for now, since we already know the iPhone Duo will ship with iOS 27.1 when it comes out in October. This beta includes Apple's revamped Health app, new languages for Siri AI, and a handful of other useful tweaks.
iPhone 18 Pro vs. iPhone Duo Buyer's Guide: Which Should You Choose?
Apple's new iPhone lineup asks buyers a new and challenging question: Is a foldable display worth feature compromises? Alongside the iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone 18 Pro Max, which start at $1,199 and $1,299 respectively, there is now the iPhone Duo, Apple's first foldable iPhone, which starts at $1,999. All three are brand new, all three feature the same A20 Pro chip, and all three sit at the top end of Apple's lineup.
“Survivor” star Kellie Nalbandian and wife Gabby were cast on “99 to Beat ”during honeymoon
The dynamic duo also names the Survivors that should play next.
Truth and Politics in the Age of Post-Truth
Get E-International Relations delivered to your inbox, free of charge. As you sign up, consider becoming a paid subscriber, or make a donation, to support our work. Subscribe This is an excerpt from Global Politics in a Post-Truth Era. You can download the book free of charge from E-International Relations. The term post-truth is by now so ubiquitous in describing the state of politics in the Western world and even beyond that the most pressing issue of the day appears to be about making democracy work in the era of post-truth rather than questioning the normalisation of the term itself in the first place. The critical turning point appeared to have occurred in 2016 when the term was chosen by the Oxford English Dictionary as ‘The Word of the Year.’ On its website, the Dictionary notes the transformation of post-truth from ‘being a peripheral term to being a mainstay in political commentary and connects ‘the spike in frequency’ directly with the Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald J. Trump in the United States – both occurring in 2016. Paired with the noun ‘politics,’ post-truth is defined as an adjective ‘relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.’ The Oxford English Dictionary traces the first use of the term to a 1992 essay in The Nation by the playwright Steve Tesich as he reflected on the 1980s Iran-Contra scandal and the 1990–91 Gulf War: We are rapidly becoming prototypes of a people that totalitarian monsters could only drool about in their dreams. All the dictators up to now have had to work hard at suppressing the truth. We, by our actions, are saying that this is no longer necessary, that we have acquired a spiritual mechanism that can denude truth of any significance. In a very fundamental way we, as a free people, have freely decided that we want to live in some post-truth world (Tesich 1992, 13; emphasis added). He then continued, The Gulf War is over but the war at home goes on. The gulf between rich and destitute widens – between those of us who live in a modern post-industrial nation and those of us who live in the Third World countries of our inner cities. The present administration’s response to this internal crisis has shifted from benign to malignant neglect. The current levels of misery and decomposition of our cities and the economic gulags of our ghettos are acceptable. Since there is only so much hope to go around, there is a freeze on hope. The have-nots have now been reclassified as never-will-haves (Tesich 1992, 13). In the context of Tesich’s essay, truth includes both facts, as in what happens, and ‘moral absolutes,’ as in the ‘self-evident truths mentioned in our Constitution’ (Tesich 1992, 14). Together, these two notions of truth entail the obligation to both act and react. The two passages cited above show that even in the early post-Cold War years, Tesich was already deeply concerned that the American people are neither prepared to act on truth nor react to truth that is disconcerting, or what he calls ‘bad news’ (Tesich 1992, 12). Accordingly, Tesich’s insight as captured by the term post-truth is not that truth is irrelevant to what we know, but rather it is irrelevant to how we act. In contrast, ‘post-truth politics,’ as defined by Oxford as a term that pitches ‘objective facts’ against ‘emotion and personal belief’ such that the latter appears to have overtaken the former in shaping ‘public opinion’ and thereby, democratic politics. When Tesich’s post-truth politics and its current usage are juxtaposed, the two are in fact not identical in terms of what truth is and how it relates to politics. Against such consideration, this chapter provides a critical survey of selected historical events and theoretical considerations for the purpose of gaining a more nuanced understanding of the relation between truth and politics. Truth and Language One notable impact of post-truth politics is that language is being overtly deployed as a political weapon not only by politicians and those in power, but among the general population. It seems that once facts are irrelevant to the validity of what is being said, language becomes the platform for an all-out political contest in which what is said is no more than an act of will expressed as an assertion of power and/or an exercise in defiance. As early as in the writings of Thucydides (460–400 BCE), the vulnerability of logos – which is the human capacity for rational discourse in tumultuous times – was already noted. Thucydides belonged to a school of Greek thought which maintained that language is conventional and that the association between name and things is a result of ‘human use and habit’ rather than ‘nature or divine dispensation’ (Connor 1984, 99). The conventional nature of language means that it is incapable of providing its users with any independent criteria for judgement. In Thucydides’ study of the Peloponnesian War (431–405 BCE), the subversion of logos as seen in the manipulation of language was introduced through his account of the civil war in Corcyra (Thucydides 1972, 236-245). The war first broke out in 427 BCE between the pro-Athenian democratic faction and the pro-Spartan oligarchic faction before it spread to the rest of the Greek world. There was a general breakdown of law and order, resulting in extreme violence and death. Language underwent changes that were reflective of the events of the time. The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) translated Thucydides’ description of the situation as follows: The received value of names imposed for signification of things, was changed into arbitrary. For inconsiderate boldness, was counted true-hearted manliness: provident deliberation, a handsome fear: modesty, the cloak of cowardice: to be wise in everything, to be lazy in everything... he that had been so provident as not to need to do the one or the other, was said to be a dissolver of society, and one that stood in fear of his adversary. In brief, he that could outstrip another in the doing of an evil act, or that could persuade another thereto that never meant it, was commended (Hobbes 1839–1845, 8: 348; Thucydides 1972, 242-243). What concerned Thucydides most was that the meanings of words are no more than linguistic conventions that require logos to support them. The Corcyrean civil war was a reminder that such capacity cannot be assumed. This is why history understood as an authentic account of what happens matters. Guided by logos, the historian’s task is ‘the search after truth’, which is established through ‘the absence of the fabulous,’ including ‘the rejection of myth and unverifiable stories’ (de Jonge 2017, 2). Thus, history plays an important role in facilitating the stability of language – without which distinctions and judgements cannot be rendered communicable. Just like Thucydides, Hobbes was a nominalist who subscribed to the view that there is no inherent meaning to words. Hobbes’ state of nature, where there is no common authority, is precisely one in which distinctions cannot be made. As Hobbes put it, there is ‘no Mine and Thine distinct’ nor is there distinction between ‘the notions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice’ (1968, 188; emphasis in original). This is clearly an unsustainable condition for everyone. Behind Hobbes’ famous words that life in the state of nature is ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short’ is his uncompromising argument for the ‘Leviathan’, which is described by the late American political theorist, Sheldon Wolin (1922–2015), as the ‘sovereign definer’ (Hobbes 1968, 186; Wolin 2004, 238–243). Accordingly, the social contract is importantly a ‘linguistic contract’ that binds all parties to ‘general names agreed upon’ (Peters 1979, 125; Hobbes 1968, 111). Through Thucydides and Hobbes, we can identify a line of thinking that sees politics as a contestation over the use of language, which is based on shared conventions and norms. Thus understood, politics is not a collective quest for the true nature of our being or an epistemological exercise in pursuit of true knowledge. Rather, politics is about humans living with one another by finding a shared language to communicate with one another on matters that affect them all. Truth is in that sense contingent on what is being said as opposed to setting the standard for it. In other words, truth is the embodiment of shareability among us. While truth as such ensures the viability of a political entity, truth by no means represents a normative standard to adjudicate among contesting actors in what they say, let alone in what they do. During Thucydides’ times, ancient China was also experiencing a tumultuous time as the ruling Zhou dynasty deteriorated into the period of the Warring States (481–221 BCE). This was when the rulers of Zhou no longer presided over the territories brought under its control through conquest. Instead of professing allegiance to the Zhou royalty, the lords of these territories became kings themselves to rule over their own land. The period was one marked by endless military campaigns as each of the seven major states aimed to conquer the rest (Lewis 1999). Yet, the period was also known for its intellectual vibrancy as different thinkers challenged the restoring of order among these warring states – including offering ideas and advice to rulers on good governance. Among these thinkers was Confucius (551–479 BCE). His thought, which came to be known as Confucianism, went on to become the state ideology of China from the Han dynasty (206 BCE–222 CE) until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1911 when China became a republic. The founding text of Confucianism was the Analects, which is a collection of dialogues between Confucius and his students as recorded by them. One key concept Confucius advanced is the ‘rectification of names’. Though the term only appears in one exchange in the Analects, it is considered a major aspect of Confucius’ thought. Generations of Confucian scholars from past and present, including Western academics, have debated over its interpretation (Makeham 2003). The passage in question reads as follows: Zi Lu said: ‘The monarch of the state of Wei wants you to govern the country, what is the first thing you plan on doing?’ Confucius said: ‘First it is necessary to rectify the names.’Zi Lu said: ‘Is that really what has to be done? You are being too pedantic, aren’t you now? How will you rectify these names?’Confucius said: ‘Zhong You, you are too unrefined. A gentleman, faced with a matter that he does not understand, takes a skeptical attitude. If names are not correct, one cannot speak smoothly and reasonably, and if one cannot speak smoothly and reasonably, affairs cannot be managed successfully. If affairs cannot be managed successfully, rites and music will not be conducted. If rites and music are not conducted, punishments will not be suitable. And if punishments are not suitable, the common people will not know what to do. So, when the gentleman uses names, it is necessary to be able to speak so that people understand. If one can say it, one can definitely do it. A gentleman should not be careless with words’ (Analects 13:3 in Cao 2016, 148). This translation is offered by the contemporary philosopher Cao Feng. As Cao notes, the passage is what started the whole debate over ‘exactly what kind of names did Confucius... wish to rectify’ (Cao 2016, 148). Of the three major groups of interpretation examined by Cao, beginning with classical Confucian scholarship, one is arguably the most influential and certainly most pertinent to the issue of language and politics. This is the interpretation that was first associated with the Neo-Confucian master, Zhu Xi (1130–1200), who argued that the ‘rectification of names is simply the rectification of politics’ (Cao 2016, 149). Within this interpretive framework, rectification has the dual functions of correction and prescription by ensuring that predetermined hierarchical roles are strictly adhered to through following ‘the system of rites and propriety’ (Cao 2016, 151). In addition, the rectification of names entails ‘using names to rectify actuality’ (Cao 2016, 151). Yet Cao rejects this whole body of interpretive works by arguing that these were ideas developed later. Instead, Cao suggests the following: The original meaning of Confucius’ rectification of names may, then, be quite simple. Confucius did not mean to establish a concrete, normative system of “names”; rather, Confucius was simply the first person in history to realize or remark upon the importance of language in politics. As a politician, he noticed and foresaw the impact that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names would have on politics. Confucius recognized the political consequences of language’s not accurately expressing meaning or not being accurately received by people. He realized the great role that names, as a means of distinguishing right and wrong and establishing norms, could play in society and politics (Cao 2016, 168). Scholarly debates aside, Cao’s view has the advantage of identifying an interpretation of this controversial exchange in the Analects that enables its readers to extrapolate from it the observation that the meaning of words depends as much on their users as on their interpreters; neither of which can be predetermined. Accordingly, a good ruler is someone who can speak without ambiguity to his subjects and make good his words through actions. Stated differently, Cao’s view on what concerned Confucius then, who was living through times of protracted political upheaval, is that language is an indispensable political tool for those in power and can be deployed by both good and bad rulers alike. To sum up, this historical survey shows that politics as a war of words is by no means a distinctive marker of contemporary politics nor the Western world. Be it ancient or current, east or west, language is subject to manipulation to serve political purposes and when there is an outright war of words that defies existing norms, it is indicative of a political situation in which people no longer share a language and truth becomes irrelevant. Accordingly, political order entails stability in language use. Truth and Politics As previously noted, current use of the term post-truth as an adjective to the term ‘politics’ suggests that once there was a time when politics aligned with truth. Indeed, if we start with Plato’s Republic as the key founding text of Western political thought, we see that the ideal polis (city-state of ancient Greece) is where truth and politics converge, and justice is achieved. Written around 380 BCE when Athens was still coping with its defeat by the Spartans in the Peloponnesian War, the Republic is a defence of the rule of the ‘philosopher king’, defined as someone who is ‘guided by the truth’ and is ‘always and in every way’ in pursuit of the truth (Plato 1974, 490a). For Plato, truth converges with virtues and hence, letting the philosopher take charge of politics is to let the wisest and the most virtuous lead the less wise and the less virtuous even if it requires compulsion (Plato 1974, 499b). In Plato’s words, ‘…until the philosophers attain power in a city there will be no respite from evil for either city or citizens…’ (Plato 1974, 501e). The uncompromising rule of philosopher-kings is made palatable by the claim that we are all ‘earth- born brothers’ with random mixtures of gold, silver, bronze and iron, but only the gold can rule (Plato 1974, 414–415). Understandably, academic debates over the interpretation of Plato’s Republic revolve around the question of whether truth as attained in philosophy can be realised in politics as action and whether such a connection is even desirable. Without getting into the details of these scholarly exchanges, I suggest that they all share the concern that truth acquired through the rigorous process of philosophical reasoning is not without problem when applied to the real world of living humans. This is because not all humans are philosophers – and indeed, in Plato’s view, not everyone is capable of becoming a philosopher given the protracted and arduous training that one needs to endure to become one. Hannah Arendt (1906–1975), a highly influential political philosopher of the twentieth century, notes that ‘Plato was the first to introduce the division between those who know and do not act and those who act and do not know’ and that such a separation has remained ‘at the root of all theories of domination’ (Arendt 1958, 223, 225). What Arendt points out in this remark is not the gap between theory and practice, but rather that Plato provides the normative ground for those who know the truth to tell those who do not know what to do. Arendt herself took on the challenge of understanding the relationship between truth and politics through her analysis of Nazism and Stalinism. Arendt’s insight, which was controversial when The Origins of Totalitarianism was published in 1951, was to identify Nazism and Stalinism as representative of a new form of political rule – totalitarianism – making it distinct from ‘other forms of political oppression... such as despotism, tyranny and dictatorship’ (Arendt 1973, 460). Arendt defines totalitarianism as a self- contained system of ideas driven by their ‘logic’ and marked by a mode of reasoning called ‘ideological thinking.’ Ideological thinking as such is a distinctive form of political reasoning defined by three characteristics. First, ideological thinking claims to provide a ‘total explanation’ of all historical happenings, encompassing the past, the present, and the future. Second, while ideological thinking is an attempt to account for ‘factual reality’ in its totality, this mode of thinking is paradoxically divorced from reality and experience. This is because experience, being rooted in specificity, is clearly limited in its claim to totality. It follows that as its third characteristic, ideological thinking aims to emancipate thought from the limitation imposed by experience through a ‘specific method of demonstration.’ The method involves arranging facts into an ‘absolutely logical procedure’ that starts from an ‘axiomatically accepted premise’. It is, in short, a ‘process of deduction from a premise’ – which is the only possible movement in the realm of logic that leads to one definitive conclusion. This is how the ‘logicality of ideological thinking’ provides the basis for total explanation and the ‘principle of action’ for totalitarian movement (Arendt 1973, 468–474). Stated differently, totalitarianism is a form of uncompromising idealism that exists in one’s head irrespective of shared reality as experienced. It is the perverse form of what Arendt later refers to as ‘rational truth’, which is the product of the ‘speculative mind’ that belongs to philosophy, mathematics and the sciences. The ‘speculative mind’ is the mind working on its way to generate axioms and theories by relying on the cognitive capacity of the human brain (Arendt 1977, 231). The presence of others has no bearing whatsoever on rational truth. In contrast, ‘factual truth’ is what happens when humans are ‘living and acting together’ (Arendt 1977, 231). Factual truth is therefore particular and temporal by definition. But more importantly, factual truth is ‘political by nature’ because it can only be validated in the context of the human community (Arendt 1977, 238). In other words, factual truth is about humans in their plurality rather than in their singularity. For factual truth to be sustainable, we need what Arendt calls ‘common sense’ – understood as ‘community sense’ (Arendt 1982, 72). There is also another distinction about truth that Arendt makes which is pertinent to understanding how totalitarianism works. The issue is whether the so-called totalitarian ideology is simply an unnecessarily cumbersome way of saying that it is an all-round and polished lie. Here, Arendt calls totalitarian ideology the ‘modern lie’ – in contrast to the ‘traditional lie’. The latter is restricted by two conditions: that it is a lie about the ‘particulars’ and that it deceives only the ‘enemy’ – which means that the liar is not engaged in self- deception. The modern lie, however, involves a ‘complete rearrangement of the whole factual texture’. It also intends to deceive everyone alike, to the extent that those who initiate the lie eventually ‘fall victims to their own falsehood’ (Arendt 1977, 249–254). This distinction between the traditional and modern lie is important. It indicates that not only is totalitarianism a lie, but the lie is in fact too big to fit into the standard meaning of the word. To tell a lie from truth, we need a common standard. In the case of a traditional lie, the common standard is precisely ‘the fabric of factuality’. As such, a lie always appears as a ‘tear’ to that fabric. Yet, modern lies require making a surrogate reality with a completely different context for facts to fit ‘without seam, crack, or fissure, exactly as the facts fitted into their original context’. Arendt notes that as long as those who concoct the surrogate reality are prepared to engage in self- deception to ‘create a semblance of truthfulness’, there is nothing to prevent ‘these new stories, images, and non-facts from becoming an adequate substitute for reality and factuality’ (Arendt 1977, 253–254). Totalitarianism therefore requires a person to stand outside of the system itself in order to make sense of it. Arendt points out that it is futile for us to argue with (for example) a Nazi or a Stalinist on race or class. To confront totalitarianism requires more than just a confrontation with specific facts. It is a more fundamental confrontation between reality as experienced and its total rejection. This means that Nazism and Stalinism are more than radical ways of conducting racial conflict or class struggle. Rather: Totalitarian politics – far from being simply antisemitic or racist or imperialist or communist – use and abuse their own ideological and political elements until the basis of factual reality, from which the ideologies originally derived their propaganda value– the value of struggle, for instance, or the interest conflicts between Jews and their neighbours – have all but disappeared (Arendt 1973, xv). Accordingly: The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (that is, the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (that is, the standards of thought) no longer exist (Arendt 1973, 474). Who then is the ‘ideal subject’ of totalitarianism? Although there is a revival of interest in Arendt’s observation on truth and politics since the onset of post- truth politics, not enough has been said about her reply to the question (Hyvönen 2018; Klinkler 2018; Lee 2019; Zerilli 2020). Yet if we take a look at Arendt’s portrait of this ideal subject, her view is even more pertinent to our current challenge. As a self-contained system of ideas that is detached from experience, totalitarian thinking offers consistency in ways that reality cannot. Arendt notes that this kind of consistency is especially appealing to those who have lost a sense of bearing in the world (Arendt 1973, 353). They constitute what she calls the ‘masses’. The ‘mass man’ is thus a highly isolated and atomised individual, who is ‘obsessed by a desire to escape from reality’ (Arendt 1973, 318, 352). In his ‘essential homelessness’ the mass man can ‘no longer bear its accidental, incomprehensible aspects’ (Arendt 1973, 352). This longing for escape from reality is a ‘verdict against the world’ in which one is ‘forced to live’ but ‘cannot exist’ (Arendt 1973, 352). Such a situation is ripe for the ‘revolt of the masses’ against ‘common sense,’ which is ‘the result of their atomisation, of their loss of social status’ and with it, the ‘whole sector of communal relationships in whose framework common sense makes sense’ (Arendt 1973, 352). In short, the masses are people who are considered to be ‘superfluous or can be spared … [who] cannot be integrated into any organisation based on common interest’ (Arendt 1973, 311). Whether one agrees with Arendt’s analysis of the social conditions in the interwar years that led to the formation of the ‘masses’, her portrait of the ‘mass man’ is a powerful account of what can happen to an individual who has become disposable to the society that they used to belong to. Hand in hand with this phenomenon is indeed the collapse of ‘common sense’ that leaves the dislodged individual scrambling for reconnection. By offering the masses a substitute reality validated by the ‘logic of an idea’ rather than by experience, totalitarianism makes it possible for them to live in a world where there is no condition of plurality. Between ‘facing the anarchic growth and total arbitrariness of decay’ and ‘bowing down before the most rigid, fantastically fictitious consistency of an ideology’, the masses will likely ‘choose the latter’ (Arendt 1973, 352). A world created by ideology, then, is more attractive to the masses not because ‘they are stupid and wicked, but because in the general disaster this escape grants them a minimum of self- respect’ by conjuring up ‘a lying world of consistency which is more adequate to the needs of the human mind than reality itself’ (Arendt 1973, 353). Moreover, it is precisely this ability to guarantee consistency that makes it possible for the leaders of totalitarian movements to demand ‘total, unrestricted, unconditional and unalterable loyalty of the individual member’ (Arendt 1973, 323). While this chapter is not a study of the social factors that led to specific contemporary developments such as the result of the Brexit referendum or the election of Donald Trump in 2016, Arendt’s ‘mass man’ seem to have found their counterparts among the supporters of Brexit and Trumpism. Studies of voters’ profiles in both events point to a disproportionate share of supporters from white male lower income backgrounds without university educations. These are individuals who have either already lost their jobs to globalisation or who are at high risk of losing their job with very little capacity to be retrained for the twenty-first century market economy of advanced industrialised states (BBC 2016; Pew Research Center 2018). In short, these displaced workers are part of the tapestry forming the modern equivalent of Arendt’s ‘mass man’ – ready to be the recruits of totalitarianism. Conclusion If we step back to take a more comprehensive approach to the relationship between truth and politics, both historically and theoretically, it is not so obvious that 2016 is a defining moment. From ancient China and ancient Greece to our so-called post-truth age, the indeterminacy of language appears to be a persistent political challenge. Language is always open to manipulation by its users to serve power. Nonetheless, the tendency these days is to single out the ubiquity of social media and the proliferation of Internet platforms as the incubator for the countless cyberwars of words that in turn fuel the real world of politics. In this context, language is no longer the conveyor of objective facts and accurate information, but rather the medium for expressing subjective opinions and feelings, as captured by the Oxford Dictionary’s definition of the term ‘post-truth politics’. In contrast, the historical approach used in this chapter shows that it is in fact too easy to point the figure at the Internet and digital communication for the political challenge that we face today. What is being suggested here is that with or without the Internet, language, be it used to convey facts or emotions, is simply a tool for communication that humans have invented. While language per se cannot adjudicate what is true or not true, what is right or wrong, it embodies such capacity when language is a shared norm. That shared norm cannot be sustained without some semblance of cohesion in any given community. Any war of words, irrespective of its platform, is indicative of the breakdown of such cohesiveness. Returning to the original context in which the term post-truth politics was first used by Steve Tesich helps to identify the important distinction between truth as the standard for knowledge and truth as the standard for action. The two do not necessarily coincide. Placed in the context of the history of political thought, this distinction is in fact at the heart of Plato’s Republic. Yet when the philosopher as the quintessential bearer of truth becomes king, the polis that he rules over is far from the ideal of a just state that it purports to be. Instead, it is one that is held together by lies and coercion. What Arendt reveals through her study of Nazism and Stalinism is that it is dangerous for the kind of truth that philosophy generates – ‘rational truth’ – to become the guide to politics. Politics guided by rational truth can only be uncompromising and follows a logic of its own that cannot afford the ambiguity and indeterminacy of reality as lived experiences of humans. A world of post-truth politics can be an opportunity for a new kind of politics if it is indeed about dismantling the idea that truth is the ideal that politics should strive for. But as it stands, the post-truth politics of today is more about invoking a past that never exists to judge the presence as a crisis in naming when the real crisis is about rebuilding a shared space that has room for all – be they of the left, right or centre; cosmopolitan or parochial; civic-minded or self-centred; liberal-minded or bigoted. Politics is and always will be about striving for that space, without which no human can thrive. References Arendt, Hannah. 1958. The Human Condition. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Arendt, Hannah. 1973. The Origins of Totalitarianism. Rev. ed. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Arendt, Hannah. 1977. “Truth and Politics.” In Between Past and Future, 227–264. New York: Penguin Books. Arendt, Hannah. 1982. Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy, edited by Ronald Beiner. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. British Broadcasting Corporation. 2016. “Brexit vote: The breakdown.” BBC News, December 7, 2016. https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-38227674 Cao, Feng. 2016. “A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names.” Journal of Chinese Humanities 2: 147–171. https://doi-org.subzero.lib. uoguelph.ca/ doi/ 10.1163/23521341-12340032. Connor, W. Robert. 1984. Thucydides. Princeton: Princeton University Press. de Jonge, Casper C. 2017. “Dionysius of Halicarnassus on Thucydides.” in The Oxford Handbook of Thucydides, edited by Sara Forsdyke, Edith Foster, and Ryan Balot. Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/ oxfordhb/9780199340385.013.17 https://www-oxfordhandbooks-com.subzero. lib.uoguelph.ca/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199340385.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199340385 Hyvönen, Ari-Elmeri. 2018. “Careless Speech: Conceptualizing Post-Truth Politics.” New Perspectives 26 (3): 31–55. https://www.proquest.com/ scholarly-journals/careless-speech-conceptualizing-post-truth/ docview/2204515132/se-2?accountid=11233. Hobbes, Thomas. 1839–1845. The English Works of Thomas Hobbes, edited by Sir William Molesworth. London: John Bohn. Vol. 8. Klinkner, Melanie. 2018. “Reasonable Truth.” International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 14 (3): 393–99. doi:10.1386/macp.14.3.393_7. Lee, Haiyan. 2019. “When Nothing Is True, Everything Is Possible: On Truth and Power by Way of Socialist Realism.” PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134 (5). Cambridge University Press: 1157–64. https://doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.5.1157 Lewis, Mark E. 1999. “Warring States Political History.” In The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, edited by Michael Loewe and Edward Shaughnessy, 587–650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Makeham, John. 2003. “Zheng ming (Rectification of names).” In RoutledgeCurzon Encyclopedia of Confucianism, edited by Xinzhong Yao. Vol. 2: 813-814. New York: Routledge. Oxford Languages, n. d. “Word of the Year 2016.” Accessed 19 August 2017. https://languages.oup.com/word-of-the-year/2016/ Peters, Richard. 1979. Hobbes. Westport: Greenwood Press. Pew Research Center. 2018. “An examination of the 2016 electorate, based on validated voters.” Report, August 9, 2018. https://www.pewresearch.org/ politics/2018/08/09/an-examination-of-the-2016-electorate-based-on- validated-voters/ Plato. 1974. Republic. Translated by G. M. A. Grube. Indianapolis: Hackett. Tesich, Steve. 1992. “Watergate Syndrome: A Government of Lies.” The Nation: 12-14. January 6/13, 1992. Thucydides. 1972. The Peloponnesian War. Translated by Rex Warner. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. Wolin, Sheldon. 2004. Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Westen Political Thought. Expanded Edition. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Zerilli, Linda M. G. 2020. ‘Fact-Checking and Truth-Telling in an Age of Alternative Facts.’ Le foucaldien 6, no. 1: 2, 1–22. Theresa Man Ling Lee is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Guelph (Canada). Lee is a political theorist who specializes in contemporary political thought. Her research and teaching areas include continental philosophy, Marxism and critical theory, feminism, postmodernism, philosophy of social science, psychoanalysis, multiculturalism, human rights, disability studies, modern Chinese political thought and comparative political theory. Lee has published on a wide range of subjects in these areas, including intercultural pedagogy and the challenges of teaching as a person with multiple minority designations in a Canadian university classroom.
iPhone Duo could be very hard to get at launch, per report
iPhone Duo pre-orders open next month, and a new analyst report indicates the device could be in even shorter supply at launch than expected.
Steve Bannon, Bernie Sanders and when AI becomes the super villain
The unlikely duo from opposite sides of the political spectrum will share the stage at a D.C. rally. The strange bedfellows have slammed AI "oligarchs."
Rapper Santy Sharma Makes Viral Joke And Meme About The New iPhone Duo’s Insane Price Tag
After Apple announced the iPhone Duo, it's first foldable phone, Indian rapper Santy Sharma posted an AI-generated image of himself holding the smartphone and a scar on his stomach, implying he would ...
Rapper Santy Sharma Makes Viral Joke And Meme About The New iPhone Duo’s Insane Price Tag
After Apple announced the iPhone Duo, it's first foldable phone, Indian rapper Santy Sharma posted an AI-generated image of himself holding the smartphone and a scar on his stomach, implying he would ...
Apple Cuts iPhone Trade-In Values While Raising Mac and iPad
Apple has updated its U.S. trade-in estimates, cutting values for every eligible iPhone while raising them across the iPad and Mac lineups. The refresh follows the announcement of the iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone Duo. Their predecessors now appear on Apple's trade-in list for the first time, led by the iPhone 17 Pro Max at up to $885.
Chapel Bell Curve: The One That’s Appropriately Excited
Nathan and Yara are back to review the Bulldogs’ 70-20 win over Western Kentucky. The Dynamic Duo are excited by what they’ve seen. Not overly excited, mind you. Appropriately excited. Perhaps more intrigued than anything. Highlights include: As always we ask that you like, rate, subscribe, and patreonize the show wherever you get your podcasts. Until later… […]
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iPhone 18 Pro Pre-Orders Off to a Muted Start, Analyst Says
Initial wait times for Apple's iPhone 18 Pro models in the pre-order phase are "lukewarm," according to GF Securities analyst Jeff Pu, who has subsequently trimmed his production estimates for both the company's Pro lineup and the foldable iPhone Duo. iPhone 18 Pro pre-orders opened on September 12 in the U.S.
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Is this really Ohio's most famous band? Duo tops Business Insider list
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Forget iPhone Duo, Samsung Galaxy Z Fold8 Gets an Early Drop to Its Lowest Price Despite Being Brand New
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iPhone 18 Pro vs. iPhone 18 Pro Max Buyer's Guide
Apple recently unveiled the iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone 18 Pro Max, featuring a new Main camera with a variable aperture, new Pro camera controls, the A20 Pro chip, and more. With the foldable iPhone Duo now sitting above them in the lineup, the two Pro models are no longer the most expensive iPhones Apple sells, but they remain the most fully-featured traditional iPhones available. The iPhone 18 Pro starts at $1,199 and the iPhone 18 Pro Max starts at $1,299.
Business Beat: Mother, daughter open new downtown Longview stores - Longview News-Journal
Vintage VHS and DVD movies, comic books, used furniture and clothing. A mother-daughter duo have combined many of the things they know and love in two new downtown Longview stores […]
Third-Gen iPhone Duo to Get Face ID, Telephoto Lens, Expects Gurman
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iPhone Duo Has a Hidden Display Setting for Case Compatibility
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Gurman: 'iPhone Duo Max' With Bigger Display Likely in Apple's Plans
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iOS 27 Available Tomorrow With These 8 New Features
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iPhone Duo vs. Galaxy Z Fold 8 Ultra: Apple's and Samsung's Premium Foldables Compared
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A Galaxy S27 Ultra upgrade to match the iPhone Duo
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Apple's iPhone Duo event should put the bears to rest
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Left-handed Apple users cry discrimination as new foldable iPhone Duo designed for right-handers
Park Coffee House opens fall concert season
Park Coffee House in Holland Patent will open its fall concert season with the Mohawk Valley Bluegrass Band and acoustic duo 2 Friends.
Apple nailed iPhone Duo split screen, even as iPad multitasking feels convoluted
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ESR's iPhone accessory lineup is ready for Apple's foldable era
ESR's new lineup covers the iPhone Duo and iPhone 18 with a vegan leather Flex Stand case, Armorite screen protection, and CryoBoost charging.
Here are the iPhone 18 Pro (Max) and iPhone Duo offers from Apple and the big US carriers
Pre-orders for the iPhone 18 Pro and 18 Pro Max start tomorrow, while the foldable iPhone Duo won't be available until late October.
Samsung Trolls Apple by Hiring 'Tim Cook' to Endorse Galaxy Z Fold 8
Samsung takes aim at Apple's iPhone Duo with a new ad featuring Tim Cook...from New Zealand, not the former Apple CEO.
iPhone Duo is Missing These 10 iPhone 18 Pro Features
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iPhone Duo vs. Pixel 11 Pro Fold: 2 Durable Foldables Face Off
Apple's and Google's phones are both rated for dust and water resistance. Here's how they compare when it comes to other features such as cameras, battery life and displays.
The Retroid Pocket Duo Looks Perfect for DS and 3DS Emulation
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The iPhone Duo enters China’s crowded foldable market — and faces a price test
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iPhone Duo could give Apple a 25% share of foldable market in 2026
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AT&T CEO drops a hot take on the new Apple iPhone Duo
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Apple's Foldable Duo Represents 'Notable Form-Factor Change' for iPhone Lineup, UBS Says
Apple (AAPL) new foldable iPhone represents a "notable form-factor change" for the iPhone lineup, wh
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The Apple iPhone Duo is an impressive first-generation folding phone with tricks of its own, even if many of its ideas have been available on Samsung and Google models for years.
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It's iPhone pre-order week, which means anyone looking to get the new iPhone 18 Pro or iPhone 18 Pro Max will likely be looking for new cases and protection for the smartphones. Below we're tracking all of the best case and screen protector options from the most popular accessory brands, including ZAGG, Nomad, and more. Note: MacRumors is an affiliate partner with some of these vendors.
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Verizon will give you an iPhone Duo free with this deal - no trade-in required
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Apple stock rises. iPhone 18 Pro and foldable Duo debut under new CEO
Ternus unveils iPhone 18 Pro and $1,999 foldable Duo
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Halfpricesoft.com Expands Business Tools With Launch of New Operational Software
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iPhone Duo moves the needle for Apple; continue to like the business: CIO
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Apple's new iPhone lineup has been announced, and so has the annual crop of first party cases, wallets, and straps to go with it.
Pixel 11 Pro vs. iPhone 18 Pro: Which to Buy?
Apple shared its new hardware line-up for the end of 2026 today, revealing the iPhone 18 Pro, iPhone 18 Pro Max, iPhone Duo, new Apple Watch models, and some new AirPods. For those who missed the event and don’t want to re-watch, yet still want to see how the new iPhone 18 Pro compares to...
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Apple (AAPL) unveiled its first foldable phone, the iPhone Duo, and a slew of product updates at its annual fall event at its Cupertino, Calif., headquarters today.
Samsung reacts to Apple’s foldable iPhone Duo; ‘reheating our leftovers’
Samsung is apparently of two minds when it comes to reacting to Apple’s first foldable device, with some interesting reactions...
iPhone 18 Pro Models and iPhone Duo Feature Apple's New C2 Modem
Apple today unveiled new iPhone 18 Pro models and the iPhone Duo – the company's first foldable iPhone – and all three devices feature Apple's new custom-designed C2 modem for 5G connectivity. Prior to today's announcements, there was speculation that Apple's C2 in-house modem would not support mmWave 5G in the U.S., and that the company would once again rely on Qualcomm to fill the gap for American carriers. Apparently, that's not the case.
Apple updates trade-in values following ‘Surprise and Shine’ event
Apple has updated its trade-in payouts following the iPhone Duo event, lowering values for iPhones while increasing them for iPads and most Macs.
iPhone 18 Pro battery life compared to iPhone Duo and iPhone 17 Pro
Apple has just announced the new flagship iPhone lineup, featuring iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone Duo. One of the biggest...
iPhone Duo Gets Its Own Case and Folio With Kickstand
Apple today introduced two dedicated accessories for iPhone Duo, its Case and a Folio with Kickstand. The iPhone Duo Case is a thin, two-part design that wraps around both the front and back of the device. It uses built-in magnets that align with th iPhone Duo for what Apple calls a "magical attach experience". The case is made from polycarbonate with a matte coating and comes in Sand and Navy Blue.
Apple’s iPhone Duo foldable has the same IP68 protection as Pixel Fold
Apple did the thing. The first foldable iPhone has arrived with the new iPhone Duo delivering a pretty compelling package...
Here's how iPhone Duo treats apps not optimized for the foldable display
Apple has officially announced the iPhone Duo, its first foldable display device. Additionally, the company has detailed how third-party apps...
Apple Unveils the iPhone Duo, a Foldable Phone That Costs $1,999
At the company’s annual September product event, Apple also demonstrated its work on artificial intelligence and other new devices.
Fold the phone: Apple's new CEO unveils a foldable iPhone
New Apple CEO John Ternus announces the iPhone Duo, which folds like a passport and is the most radical iPhone design update in nearly 20 years.
Apple Raises Prices of iPhone 16, iPhone 17, iPhone Air, and iPhone 17e
Behind today's iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone Duo announcements, Apple has raised the prices of the existing iPhone 16, iPhone 17, iPhone Air, and iPhone 17e on its online store. The new starting prices for the three models now look like this: iPhone 16: $799 (+$100) iPhone 17e: $699 (+$100) iPhone 17: $899 (+$100) iPhone Air: $1099 (+$100)So that's a $100 price hike on all four existing models in Apple's iPhone lineup.
iPhone Duo Supports MagSafe Charging
Rumors about the foldable iPhone were unclear on whether it would have MagSafe charging, but it turns out the iPhone Duo does indeed have a magnetic charging array. Tech specs for the device say it supports MagSafe wireless charging at up to 25W, the same as the iPhone 18 Pro models. It also supports Qi2.2 25W wireless charging when using third-party accessories. Faster wired charging is available, with the iPhone Duo charging to 50 percent in a 20-minute period.
Apple completely revamped iOS 27’s controls and apps for the iPhone Duo
iPhone Duo is also the first iPhone to support Apple Pencil.
iPhone Duo's Interface Is iPad-Like, With Some Extra Tricks
Using multiple apps at once? You bet.
The foldable iPhone Duo is Apple's boldest smartphone experiment yet
Apple has stuck to the long, rectangular iPhone shape since 2007. The new iPhone Duo foldable shows Apple is still willing to experiment.
Skip iPhone Duo and Slap $300 Off Galaxy Z Fold 8
It might be iPhone Duo day, but Samsung still has two excellent new foldables it doesn’t want you to forget about. Both the Galaxy Z Fold 8 Ultra and Galaxy Z Fold 8 are discounted heavily with no trade-in required. Instead of being an iPhone Duo beta tester, you can go with the best foldables...
2 New York Giants named to CBS Sports' preseason All-Rookie team
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All New iPhone 18 Pro and 'iPhone Duo' Colors Leaked
Ahead of Apple's annual iPhone event at 10 a.m. Pacific Time today, Bloomberg's Mark Gurman has leaked all of the color options for the iPhone 18 Pro, iPhone 18 Pro Max, and the first-ever foldable iPhone named the iPhone Duo. iPhone 18 Pro and iPhone 18 Pro Max color options:Black Light Blue Burgundy Silver Burgundy has also been described as Dark Red or Dark Cherry.
Apple Shares Mysterious Teaser Video Before 'iPhone Duo' Event Today
Apple will be holding an event today starting at 10 a.m. Pacific Time, with the company expected to unveil new iPhones and much more. Ahead of the event, Apple's new CEO John Ternus just shared a mysterious teaser video. The short clip appears to show a beam of light that is shining onto the edge of an iPhone. The light is coming from a hexagonal shape that changes size, which could hint at the iPhone 18 Pro's rumored mechanical aperture upgrade.
Dortmund football celebrates a duo that celebrates itself too
After Santiago Mourino’s equalizer for 1-1 (67'), the hoped-for home win against last season’s third-placed team from Spain briefly hung in the balance. Goalkeeper Gregor Kobel even prevented a po...
Foldable iPhone Duo to Come With Apple Pencil Support
Apple's foldable iPhone Duo will come with Apple Pencil support, reports Bloomberg's Mark Gurman. Gurman previously claimed that Apple had prototyped a dedicated Apple Pencil for its foldable iPhone that was "stubbier than the versions for iPads" and "designed to magnetically attach and charge on the side of the device," but he said it was unlikely that the accessory would be released.
Samsung 'advice' to Apple suggests it fears the build quality of the iPhone Duo
Samsung says it welcomes Apple’s entry into the foldable smartphone market, although the company appears to feel threatened by the...
Father-Son Duo Launch A Talent Discovery And Entertainment Ecosystem For Independent Performers
Father-son duo launch a talent discovery and entertainment ecosystem for independent artists because likes alone don't pay the bills.